Conclusion

2020 ◽  
pp. 248-262
Author(s):  
Christopher N. Matthews

Chapter 6 provides a reflection of the findings of the book. A story of recent resistance to the marginalization of people of color in the community provides the framework. Resistance to white racism and appropriated histories are a framework for understanding how people of color claimed their civil rights for the last two hundred years. The chapter concludes with a proposal for an affirmative action program in the heritage industry.

2000 ◽  
Author(s):  
Myrtle P. Bell ◽  
David A. Harrison ◽  
Mary E. McLaughlin

ILR Review ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 508 ◽  
Author(s):  
George E. Johnson ◽  
Finis Welch

Author(s):  
James P. Sterba

Diversity instead of race-based affirmative action developed in the United States from the Regents of the University of California v. Bakke decision in 1978 to the present. There have been both objections to this form of affirmative action and defenses of it. Fisher v. University of Texas could decide the future of all race-based affirmative action in the United States. Yet however the Fisher case is decided, there is a form of non-race-based affirmative action that all could find to be morally preferable for the future. A diversity affirmative action program could be designed to look for students who either have experienced racial discrimination themselves or who understand well, in some other way, how racism harms people in the United States, and thus are able to authoritatively and effectively speak about it in an educational context.


1989 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan S Leonard

This paper reviews evidence indicating that, as it has been enforced so far, affirmative action has contributed negligibly to women's progress in the workplace. Affirmative action can be modeled as a tax on employers whose female employment growth falls below a certain rate. Clearly, if labor supply shifts result in female employment growth greater than the regulatory standard, the tax constraint will not be binding. As we shall see, this may help explain an affirmative action program that is generally ineffective for women, although it has been effective for minorities. Federal anti-bias policies in general, and the system of affirmative action goals in particular, have been accused of instituting employment quotas. This paper reviews evidence on the homogenization of the workplace predicted by the quota theory, as well as considering more direct evidence on whether affirmative action goals are really quotas in lambs' clothing. I shall also review the slim evidence on the most fundamental and controversial criticism of affirmative action: that rather than reducing discrimination against women and minorities, it has induced discrimination against white males. A new methodology employing direct productivity measures rather than the traditional but limited wage equation residuals proves useful in exploring this issue.


2021 ◽  
Vol 120 (825) ◽  
pp. 127-132
Author(s):  
Ashwini Deshpande

The economic impact of COVID-19 has been much harder on those at the bottom of the caste ladder in India, reflecting the persistence of a system of social stigmatization that many Indians believe is a thing of the past. Untouchability has been outlawed since 1947, and an affirmative action program has lowered some barriers for stigmatized caste groups. But during the pandemic, members of lower castes suffered heavier job losses due to their higher representation in precarious daily wage jobs and their lower levels of education. Lower caste families are less able to help their children with remote learning, which threatens to worsen labor market inequality in India. But Dalits, at the bottom of the caste ladder, have recently.


2003 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-48
Author(s):  
Adrian J. Lottie ◽  
Phyllis A. Clemens Noda

Is it a systematic strategy or a mutation of millennial ferver that drives the escalating challenges to the civil rights of this nation's racial, linguistic, and national origin minorities? Increasing juridical, legislative, and popular assaults on affirmative action policies coupled with the sometimes less heralded emergence of a de facto U.S. language policy are sweeping through the states. These activities draw on a consistent repertoire of approaches from the invocation of the very language and concepts of the civil rights movement to the isolationist “buzz-words” of early twentieth century advocates of “Americanization.” In an effort to legitimize their efforts this new breed of assailants has lifted the terms “equality of opportunity,” “color blind,” and “merit” directly from the lips of civil rights heroes of the past, retrofitting concepts that resonate from the very core of the civil rights movement into an arsenal of weapons that threaten the extinction of that movement. In that same vein opponents of bilingual education have reached further back into our history dredging up de-contextualized quotations from icons of American history to evoke nostalgia and patriotism and to resuscitate the fear of the dissolution of national unity in the wake of the infusion of diverse languages and cultures. The introductory portion of this article treats the failure of anti-civil rights movements to acknowledge either the rich cultural legacy of people of color or the deeply engrained cultural and political limitations that this nation has imposed on their civil rights. We discuss the re-packaged language of equality and equity used by these movements and their success and attempts at success in reversing the progress of civil rights at the polls and in legislatures across the nation. We next examine the anti-affirmative action and anti-bilingual movements sweeping the U.S. today, analyzing qualitative and quantitative data from multiple sources including data from the the 2000 U.S. Census to track current anti-affirmative action and anti-bilingual/English only developments among the states to demonstrate the coexistence of these developments in those areas where people of color are concentrated.


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