Die Wahlen zum Europäischen Parlament 2019: drei Ursachen für die Transformation im europäischen Parteiensystem

IG ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 218-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johannes Kohls ◽  
Manuel Müller

The results of the European Parliament elections 2019 are a reflection of a longer-term transformation in the European party system, whereby (left-)liberal and right-wing forces are gaining votes at the expense of traditional centre-left and centre-right catch-all parties. This contribution highlights three societal reasons for this transformation: a new cleavage between inclusion and exclusion which gains importance with respect to the left-right cleavage, changes in the structure of public communication, and the catalytic effect of the European crises of the last years.

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 570-592 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniela Braun ◽  
Swen Hutter ◽  
Alena Kerscher

How much and why do political parties emphasize Europe in election campaigns? The literature is increasingly focusing on two aspects of party issue competition: position and salience. However, recent studies on salience tend to ignore the fact that Europe is a compound political issue. This article contributes to the debate by highlighting the crucial difference between constitutive and policy-related European issues. Using data from the Euromanifestos Project for 14 EU member states for the period 1979–2009, we first show that Europe is much more salient in European Parliament elections than previously assumed. Second, EU issue salience depends on party position and party system polarization over European integration. However, different explanations come into play once we bring in the polity-vs.-policy distinction. This has important implications for our understanding of party competition on European integration.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pavel Maškarinec

Abstract The paper presents a spatial analysis of the Czech Pirate Party (Pirates) voter support in the 2010 and 2013 parliamentary elections and the 2014 European Parliament elections. The main method applied for classifying electoral results was the spatial autocorrelation and spatial regression. The result of the analysis has shown that territorial support for the Pirates copies to a great extent the areas of high support for right-wing parties and simultaneously the areas exemplified by a high development potential. In the case of spatial characteristics, little support for the Pirates was shown in Moravia and higher in the Sudetenland in terms of determinants of support. Additionally to spatial regimes, inter-regional support for the Pirates was also influenced by other non-spatial characteristics, although the strength of their influence was relatively weak. The units which embodied a successful environment for voting for the Pirates were particularly characterized by greater urbanization and a greater number of entrepreneurs, while a lack of jobs and the older age structure, i.e. the signs that in the socio-economic, or socio-ecological sense define peripheral areas, negatively impacted the gains of the Pirates. Ambiguous influence was exercised by college-educated inhabitants, who in the parliamentary elections in 2010 and 2013 decreased the gains of the Pirates, however, in the elections to the European Parliament in 2014 a direction of relationship was modified and turned positive.


Author(s):  
Monika Brusenbauch Meislova ◽  
Steve Buckledee

Abstract The overarching aim of the article is to investigate the discourse of populist sovereignism as articulated by the leaders and/or leading candidates of four right-wing hard Eurosceptic populist parties in the following countries during the 2019 elections to the European Parliament: the Czech Republic, Italy, Slovakia and the United Kingdom. The political parties investigated are Freedom and Direct Democracy, League, People’s Party Our Slovakia and Brexit Party. Using the analytical tools of Critical Discourse Analysis and drawing on the concept of populist sovereignism, the study investigates how right-wing Eurosceptic populist sovereignism was discursively (re)constructed by right-wing hard Eurosceptic parties during the 2019 EP elections across the four cases. As such, the inquiry brings fresh insights as it looks at right-wing populist discourse through the sovereignism perspective, thus complementing the literature on populist mobilization that focuses on grasping the linkage between populism and sovereignism.


Author(s):  
Joachim Osiński ◽  
Bogusław Pytlik

The primary objective of this paper is to present preparations to the European Parliament elections and their course in Poland on all three occasions (in 2004, 2009 and 2014). Election results and political platforms are included in the text as are analyses of the influence of the elections on the changes within Poland’s party system and of electoral laws regarding European Parliament elections.


2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 447-476 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elias Dinas ◽  
Pedro Riera

Why have European large parties lost electoral ground in recent decades? Whereas most explanations draw on theories of dealignment, this article advances a novel, institutional, argument by focusing on the introduction of direct elections to the European Parliament (EP) in 1979. Archetypes of second-order elections, EP elections are characterized by lower vote shares for (a) large and (b) incumbent parties. Bridging the second-order elections theory with theories of political socialization, we posit that voting patterns in EP elections spill over onto national elections, especially among voters not yet socialized into patterns of habitual voting. In so doing, they increase the national vote shares of small parties. This proposition is examined using an instrumental variables approach. We also derive a set of testable propositions to shed light on the underlying mechanisms of this pattern. Our findings show that EP elections decrease support for big parties at the national arena by inculcating voting habits.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petr Just

AbstractThis article explores the performance of ANO 2011 and Dawn of Direct Democracy—two new subjects of the post-2013 Czech party system—in the 2014 elections to the European Parliament. Programs and statements of both movements are analyzed in order to determine whether a link exists between protest and populist characteristics on one side and Euroscepticism on the other side.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Franco Zappettini ◽  
Marzia Maccaferri

This paper analyses the digital communication of Italian parties Lega and Movimento 5 Stelle during their campaigns for the European Parliament elections (January-May 2019). We focus on the Italian case as it is representative of a generalised shift in European public discourse towards an overt delegitimation of the European project and its re-imagination. In the Italian case, Lega and Movimento 5 Stelle, which were in a Government coalition for fourteen months, have been instrumental in Italy’s shift from a strong Europhile country to one of the most Eurosceptic. However, while Lega has definitely aligned itself with a strong right-wing populist agenda, Movimento 5 Stelle has promoted a populist technocratic vision of democracy. Our analysis shows that the articulation of Eurosceptic discourses from both parties by and large reflects the two stances above with Lega’s messages (primarily produced by its leader Matteo Salvini) characterised by a ‘hyperled’ style of communication and stronger nativist elements (for example the appeal to an ethno-centric and ‘sovereign’ idea of Italy) than those of Movimento 5 Stelle, which instead relied on a ‘horizontal’ communicative style. However, our data also shows that the delegitimation of Europe in both parties occur along a similar domestication of European affairs into the national political agenda and the call for a reformed Europe along nationalistic logics which both parties claimed to champion.


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