Framing and Agenda Setting of the Day of Republika Srpska and its 2016 Referendum

The purpose of this article is to explore broadsheet newspaper framing and agenda-setting of two events using the five-frame model developed by Semetko and Valkenburg (2000). This article provides insight into how the leading broadsheet newspaper within BiH’s Republika Srpska frames relationships between the three main ethnic groups and is the first such study to occur in BiH. By identifying and exploring the most common frames in Glas Srpske during the five-year period (from 31 December 2015 to 30 December 2020), the research is meant to answer the following research questions: How does Glas Srpske frame the conversation about it and portray the Day of Republika Srpska (RS) and Referendum of the RS Day? The results, which find Attribution of Responsibility and Conflict frames to be the more prevalent in Glas Srpske, illustrate contentious politics that reinforce differences between ethnic groups in BiH. These events and the controversial narrative surrounding them are relevant more than ever in the light of the recent non-paper ‘Western Balkans – A Way Forward’.

Efforts to Disrupt the Authoritarian Equilibrium within the EU. Effects and Counter-effects

The study, leaning on the concept of ‘authoritarian equilibrium’ introduced by R. Daniel Kelemen on the one hand, and new intergovernmentalism as a fresh theoretical approach of the European integration on the other hand, investigates if we can talk about the disruption of the ‘authoritarian equilibrium’ as a consequence of the split up between Fidesz and the EPP, and the adoption of the rule of law conditionality mechanism. In other words, whether we can talk about an initial authoritarian dis-equilibrium? Or can we rather talk about a converse process due to the mechanisms of new intergovernmentalism resulting in the further stabilisation of authoritarian governments and the ineffectiveness of the EU measures devoted to the protection of rule of law? Using qualitative resource analysis of the relevant secondary literature and the documents and legal acts of the EU and its institutions the paper comes to the conclusion that while we have witnessed efforts to disrupt the partisan and the financial support of the Hungarian governing party, these efforts were neutralised by the mechanisms of new intergovernmentalism and as a consequence we still cannot talk about an initial authoritarian disequilibrium in the EU.

Economic Cyber-Espionage in the Visegrád Four Countries: a Hungarian Perspective

This article explores the regulatory framework of reference of economic cyber-espionage in Europe, with a particular focus on the V4 region (comprising Slovakia, Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic) and taking Hungary as a case study. Europe Union member states, including the V4 countries, are particularly exposed to economic cyber-espionage, because of the advanced know-how of the companies based therein. Under international law, there exists no uniform approach to the matter; also at the European Union level, the legal framework appears rather fragmented and the same holds true at the national level and within the V4 group, where each country has adopted its own relevant regulation. After a general overview of the relevant international and EU regulatory framework of reference, this article overviews the modus operandi of the V4 and examines its approach to economic cyber-espionage, with a special focus on Hungary as case study. As already remarked at the European and international levels, cybersecurity policies and regulations, including those regarding economic cyber-espionage operations, should be drafted in coordination among states; the V4 group can become a privileged platform of discussion to advance in the regulatory harmonisation of the issues at stake.

Local government fighting COVID-19: the Case of Slovenian Municipalities

When the SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus broke out, it was initially assumed that Slovenian municipalities would successfully cope with the crisis situation due to their experience in dealing with natural and other disasters. Nevertheless, the unprecedented pandemic posed significant challenges to local governments, especially in the first wave, from managing responses to an unknown crisis situation to ensuring the safety of citizens in times of extreme uncertainty. Using a four-dimensional framework, the article analyses the results of the first post-COVID-19 survey of mayors of Slovenian municipalities, which reveals differences and similarities in policies to contain and prevent the spread of the SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus disease. The analysis proves that there is no single and well-established procedure for dealing with a crisis situation. Indeed, responses varied from municipality to municipality, and the intensity of action depended to a large extent on the commitment, initiative and innovation of the individual mayor.

The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the European Union’s public health policy

In the spring of 2020 the COVID-19 pandemic emerged as one of the most complex and most serious challenges of the European Union, threatening the lives and quality of life of European citizens and the economy and healthcare systems of EU Member States. The fight against the pandemic required the collaboration of many different disciplines and sectors, and over time it had become clear that co-operation between EU Member States and EU organisations is essential for successful crisis management. This cross-border healthcare emergency has seriously tested the mechanisms set by EU treaties and legislations, as well as the organisations responsible for shaping and implementing the European Union’s public health policy. Over the past year we have gained valuable data on how the system of rules and task sharing mechanisms have supported the fight against the pandemic and its effects. By reviewing and examining our findings, we may find answers about the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the European Union’s public health policy and how it can be further developed.

To Join or Not to Join? Contextualising the Motives of Organisational Membership in the Czech Republic and East and West Germany

This article investigates sources of motivation for organisational engagement in different sociopolitical contexts. On the grounds of my own qualitative data, this text aims to answer the main research question: ‘Why do Czech and German university students get involved in political and civic organisations?’ The analysis also shows how the perception and understanding of politics differ according to the types of political motivation. The research draws upon a unique dataset of 60 interviews with university students conducted in former East (Jena) and West Germany (Mannheim, Cologne), and the Czech Republic (Prague, Ostrava and Olomouc). The results identify the notion of influence as a core factor for joining a political group and forming political commitment among the young generation. The article introduces a personal typology of political motivation, which extends existing theories and frames them in the pathways to politics of young Czech and German activists. It distinguishes three main motivations: idealistic, doer and pragmatic with a variety of subtypes. The paper elaborates on classical typologies refraining from membership. These outcomes have practical implications for the recruitment of new party members.

Policy reactions to the Covid-19 pandemic: an overview of political and economic influences across Europe

The reactions of the respective governments of the European Union both to the sanitary and economic risks of the Covid-19 pandemic varied tremendously. The objective of this paper is to explain the variation in lockdown and economic measures by political and institutional factors. Both the respective restrictive and economic measures throughout the European Union are presented. The first unit of the paper consists of a literature review of political factors (such as institutional structures and capacities, ideology and the effect of upcoming elections) that may have influenced the stringency of the restrictive measures introduced. As no previous study researched the effects of the above factors on the magnitude of economic packages, a regression analysis was conducted to examine if political ideology, democratic freedom and the timely proximity of elections influenced the extent of economic aid. While these factors could not prove to show significant influence on the extent of economic stimulus packages, several possible explanations are provided in order to understand the relative homogeneity of fiscal and monetary intervention in the EU.

Democracy revisited? Prospects of (liberal) democracy (not only) in the East-Central Europe

Scholarly debate about the prospects of democracy have undergone a fundamental change in the last three decades. While the period of the 1990s might be distinguished by extensive optimism, in the 2000s we can observe a distinct change towards a more restrained perception. Furthermore, the last decade might be evaluated as pessimistic in the social sciences on the grounds of economic recession after 2008 as well other crisis in an economic, societal and political senses. The rather distinctive terms used for the expression of doubts about the pro-democratic development and consolidation, such as ‘semi-consolidated’, ‘new’ or ‘young’ democracy, or de-democratisation, were replaced with more dramatic expressions such as illiberal democracy, democratic backsliding, hybrid, regime, soft dictatorship and ‘the light that failed’, as Krastev described the recent image of East-Central Europe in an almost dystopic manner. While in the 1990s the Slovak version of democratura – Mečiarism – was perceived as the exception, in the late 2010s populist neo-illiberal regimes became the dominant shape of regimes in (East)Central Europe. This review essay presents three recent analyses of the democratic backsliding and state capture (not only) in East-Central Europe and frames this presentation into the more extensive literature review.

Diligent or just smart students? Small governmental parties’ approach to the European Semester in Poland

All governments in Poland formed after the introduction of the European Semester were coalitional ones. All these governments contained junior coalition partners representing all party families. Irrespective of their affiliation, all these junior parties adopted policies that appeared to comply with the European Semester. Hence, junior coalition parties might be recognised as very diligent European students, even if two out of three represented quite extreme views and were undeniably more Eurosceptic than their respective senior partners. However, it can be argued that their strategy was mixed: even if these two more Eurosceptic parties might be regarded as being so in their rhetoric, they accepted all recommendations from the European Semester, except for the farmers’ insurance privileges reduction. The salience of their approach to this latter issue was seen even after a few years in government, making these parties clearly different from their senior coalition partners.

The Performativity of State Non-Recognition in Sports: The Case of Spain over Kosovo

This article focuses on the use of sport by the Spanish Government to perform its non-recognition of Kosovo’s statehood. Our main goal is to analyse the practices and narratives through which Spain’s public authorities have carried out this policy in the sporting arena. Likewise, we set two specific objectives: to examine the administrative measures adopted by the Spanish government when a Kosovan team has participated in an event hosted in Spain; and to describe the policies and discourses regarding the display of Kosovo’s national symbols in these competitions. The study is based on a qualitative approach of five major tournaments that have taken place (or due to) in Spain between 2018 and 2019. The documentation has been mainly gathered through desk-research. The three major data sources have been media press releases, Spanish Government’s communiqués and sporting federation’s statements. We underline that the policies adopted by the Spanish authorities respond to a systematic strategy to give no room for a potential understanding of Kosovo as a sovereign state. Likewise, we highlight that Madrid’s attitude towards the Balkan country must be understood keeping in mind its own internal politics, specifically the nationalist claims from Catalonia and the Basque Country.