History of biblical interpretation: v.1: From the Old Testament to Origen; v.2: From late antiquity to the end of the Middle Ages

2010 ◽  
Vol 48 (01) ◽  
pp. 48-0216-48-0216
Author(s):  
Rita Copeland

Rhetoric is an engine of social discourse and the art charged with generating and swaying emotion. The history of rhetoric provides a continuous structure by which we can measure how emotions were understood, articulated, and mobilized under various historical circumstances and social contracts. This book is about how rhetoric in the West from Late Antiquity to the later Middle Ages represented the role of emotion in shaping persuasions. It is the first book-length study of medieval rhetoric and the emotions, coloring in what has largely been a blank space between about 600 CE and the cusp of early modernity. Rhetoric in the Middle Ages, as in other periods, constituted the gateway training for anyone engaged in emotionally persuasive writing. Medieval rhetorical thought on emotion has multiple strands of influence and sedimentations of practice. The earliest and most persistent tradition treated emotional persuasion as a property of surface stylistic effect, which can be seen in the medieval rhetorics of poetry and prose, and in literary production. But the impact of Aristotelian rhetoric, which reached the Latin West in the thirteenth century, gave emotional persuasion a core role in reasoning, incorporating it into the key device of proof, the enthymeme. In Aristotle, medieval teachers and writers found a new rhetorical language to explain the social and psychological factors that affect an audience. With Aristotelian rhetoric, the emotions became political. The impact of Aristotle’s rhetorical approach to emotions was to be felt in medieval political treatises, in poetry, and in preaching.


Author(s):  
Peter Mitchell

This chapter starts as the Roman Empire fragmented, encompasses the emergence of Christianity and Islam, and explores the donkey’s place in the history of the Middle Ages, as well as what Fernand Braudel termed ‘the triumph of the mule’ in the ensuing early modern period from the fifteenth to the nineteenth centuries. Being closer in time to the present, historical documents are generally richer and more plentiful than for earlier periods, but archaeological excavations and surveys—especially of post-medieval sites and landscapes—are still undeveloped in many regions. Inevitably, therefore, what I present draws as much on textual sources as it does on them. I look first at the symbolic value of donkeys and mules in Christianity and Islam. Next, I consider their disappearance from some parts of Europe in the aftermath of Rome’s collapse and their re-expansion and persistence elsewhere. One aspect of this concerns their continuing contribution to agricultural production, another their consumption as food, a very un-Roman practice. A second theme showing continuities from previous centuries is their significance in facilitating trade and communication over both short and long distances. Tackling this requires inserting donkeys and mules into debates about how far pack animals replaced wheeled forms of transport as Late Antiquity gave way to the Middle Ages. Wide-ranging in time and space, this discussion also provides opportunities for exploring their role in human history in areas beyond those on which I have concentrated thus far. West Africa is one, the Silk Road networks linking China to Central Asia a second, and China’s southward connections into Southeast Asia a third. According to the New Testament Jesus entered Jerusalem on Palm Sunday seated on a donkey (Plate 20). The seventh-century apocryphal Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew also envisages donkeys carrying His mother to Bethlehem, being present at the Nativity, and conveying the Holy Family into temporary exile in Egypt. Donkeys thus framed both ends of Jesus’ life and, given their importance in moving people and goods in first-century Palestine, must have been a familiar sight. But the implications of their place in Christianity’s narrative were originally quite different from those that are generally understood today.


1999 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
H.J.M. Van Deventer

Rhetorical criticism and the interpretation of the Old Testament Modern history of Biblical interpretation presents us with two basic approaches to the text of the Bible, viz. historical and literary approaches. This article proposes rhetorical criticism as a process of interpretation that analyses both the historical and literary features of a text. After a short overview of the modern use of the term, especially within the field of Biblical interpretation, this article investigates various “forms” of rhetorical criticism as proposed by scholars working in the fields of general literary theory, a well as Biblical (Old and New Testament) interpretation. The article concludes by proposing a form of rhetorical criticism for interpreting texts from the Old Testament.


Author(s):  
Jacek Soszyński

The article deals with the development of graphical systems of presenting history in universal chronicles on the instances of Eusebius of Caesarea and Jerome in late antiquity, Martinus Polonus in the thirteenth century, and Werner Rolevinck at the break of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. With the translation of the Eusebius’ Chronikoi Canones performed by Jerome, the synchronistic table was introduced into the Western historiographical tradition. This form of presenting history became firmly rooted in Latin chronicles, in particular within the genre of universal chronicles, which endeavoured to recount the history of mankind from Adam to the Final Judgement, and were very popular well into the early modern period. The author argues that the chronicles of Eusebius/Jerome and Martinus Polonus simply utilized synchronicity, in their pursuit to produce encyclopaedic works, aimed at the scholarly reader. In their intention, the synchronistic table was a technical means for a more effective presentation of past events. With Werner Rolevinck the case was different. The layout introduced by him was no longer asynchronistic table, but an attempt at visualizing history, with very little attention paid to precise dating of various events and persons. He constructed his complicated graphical system for religious purposes, to contemplate the magnificence of God’s creation, in accordance with the ideas of the devotio moderna, and destined his work for a much wider audience than scholars.


1987 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-105
Author(s):  
Per Bilde

Josephus was a Jewish historian during the 1st century in the Roman Empire. In the Christian church, Josephus received recognition as a crypto-Christian Nicodemus character, a kind of Jewish church father similar to Philo, or a kind of fifth evangelist. In late antiquity and the Middle Ages of Europe he was respected and esteemed as a great author and historian. For example, a man like Hieronymus would describe him as the Jewish Livius. During this period, admiration of him was nearly uncritical, and the work of scholars consisted primarily in carrying on the tradition by constantly creating new editions and translations. The first slight signs of critical attitude appeared at the end of the Middle Ages, when one gradually began to take note of and comment on Josephus’ deviations from the text of the Old Testament in his rendering of biblical history.


2016 ◽  
pp. 136
Author(s):  
J. Jordanes ◽  
Gustavo Sartin

http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/1980-4237.2014n16p136A história dos godos de Jordanes – ou Getica – é a mais antiga das histórias restantes de um povo “bárbaro” pós-romano, mas o seu autor alega que ela é um resumo da história gótica escrita por Cassiodoro, que não atravessou a Idade Média. A obra original supostamente foi escrita na Italia durante a década de 520, quando Cassiodoro residia na corte dos reis ostrogodos, mas a de Jordanes foi escrita por volta de 550 em Constantinopolis. Cerca de um sexto da obra de Jordanes trata de eventos envolvendo Átila, rei dos hunos. O relato de Jordanes acerca das estripulias de Átila pode ser lido quase como uma peça literária independente, na qual o protagonista é o povo visigodo como um todo, com o rei dos hunos desempenhando o papel do antagonista malvado que rouba a cena, enquanto o general romano Aécio tem o papel de não muito mais do que um silencioso ajudante menor dos visigodos. No presente trabalho, traduzimos todos os excertos da Getica relativos a Átila e os analisamos a partir de alguns conceitos extraídos da Linguística Sistêmico-Funcional.ABSTRACTThe Gothic history of Jordanes – or Getica – is the oldest extant history of a “barbaric” post-Roman people, but its author also alleges that it is an abridgement of the Gothic history written by Cassiodorus which didn't make it through the Middle Ages. The original work was supposedly written in Italy during the 520s, when Cassiodorus resided on the court of the Ostrogothic kings, but Jordanes' was written around 550 in Constantinople. About a sixth of Jordanes' work deals with events involving Attila, the king of the Huns. Jordanes' account of Attila's shenanigans reads almost like a single, stand-alone literary piece in which the protagonist is the Visigothic people as a whole, with the king of the Huns playing the part of the evil antagonist who steals the scene, while the Roman general Aetius serves as not much more than a silent sidekick to the Visigoths. In the present paper, I translate all the excerpts of the Getica related to Attila and analyse them with the help of some concepts extracted from Systemic Functional Linguistics.Keywords: Late Antiquity; historiography; barbarian invasions; visigoths; huns


2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ferdinand Gregorovius ◽  
Annie Hamilton

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ferdinand Gregorovius ◽  
Annie Hamilton

Author(s):  
Jack Tannous

In the second half of the first millennium CE, the Christian Middle East fractured irreparably into competing churches and Arabs conquered the region, setting in motion a process that would lead to its eventual conversion to Islam. This book argues that key to understanding these dramatic religious transformations are ordinary religious believers, often called “the simple” in late antique and medieval sources. Largely agrarian and illiterate, these Christians outnumbered Muslims well into the era of the Crusades, and yet they have typically been invisible in our understanding of the Middle East's history. What did it mean for Christian communities to break apart over theological disagreements that most people could not understand? How does our view of the rise of Islam change if we take seriously the fact that Muslims remained a demographic minority for much of the Middle Ages? In addressing these and other questions, the book provides a sweeping reinterpretation of the religious history of the medieval Middle East. The book draws on a wealth of Greek, Syriac, and Arabic sources to recast these conquered lands as largely Christian ones whose growing Muslim populations are properly understood as converting away from and in competition with the non-Muslim communities around them.


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