Naming the Dead, Writing the Individual: Classical Traditions and Commemorative Practices in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries

Author(s):  
GRAHAM OLIVER

The chapter focuses on the commemoration of the individual in ancient and modern cultures. It argues that the attitude to individual commemoration adopted by the War Graves Commission in the First World War in Britain can be linked to the commemorative practices of ancient Greece, emphasising the importance of the part played by Sir Frederic Kenyon. The chapter draws on examples of commemoration from classical Athens, twentieth-century Britain and the Soviet Union in order to explore the different roles that the commemoration of the individual has played in ancient and modern forms of war commemoration.

2000 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-160
Author(s):  
Zenonas Butkus

The aim of this article is to examine the attitudes of the Soviet Union and Germany towards the problem of Vilnius in the period between the First and Second World Wars. The article is based mainly on unpublished documents from Lithuanian, Latvian, Estonian, German and Soviet archives. The problem under review emerged after the First World War, when Poland occupied the capital of Lithuania, Vilnius, and kept it under its control almost until the Second World War. Lithuania refused to recognize the situation, and between the two countries there arose a conflict, which was instigated by the Soviet Union and Germany, as they did not want the Baltic States and Poland to create a defence union. The Soviet Union and Germany worked hand in hand in dealing with this conflict. In the process of its regulation they acquired quite an extensive experience in diplomatic co-operation, which they applied successfully in establishing the spheres of their influence in the Baltic States in 1939.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamás Krausz

This article is not primarily focused on presenting arguments and views held by Polish political groups with reference to the territorial shape of the Polish state after the First World War. Instead, its aim is to draw attention to actions taken by these groups towards the defence of Polish western lands. One of the key problems of Poland’s foreign policy after 1918 was the question of relations with its neighbours, chiefly Germany and Russia (and the Soviet Union). For many years, the most serious problem faced by post-Versailles Europe was that of the Germans striving to revise the legal order, to break their political isolation, and return to the prestigious circle of world powers. Those endeavours threatened the security of Poland in a direct way. Defence of the Polish state and its territories on the western outskirts of the Second Republic lay at the heart of establishing socalled “Western thought” in the country. Related to Western Europe, this ideology played a significant role in shaping society’s views on, and attitudes towards, the most vital problems of the Polish nation and state.


1946 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas D. Czubatyi

The three years of struggle and attempted negotiations between Poland and the Soviet Union over the readjustment of their frontiers were concluded by a two-fold decision. Thanks to Moscow, Poland was given a government which readily consented to give up both the Western Ukraine and White Ruthenia, territories occupied by Poland after the First World War; now they become parts of the Soviet Union. On the motion of Viacheslav Molotov, the Soviet Commissar of Foreign Affairs, Ukraine was accepted as a member of the world organization, the United Nations.The first event means that after six hundred years, Poland has withdrawn her claim to an extensive tract of land which she ruled at times as far east as the River Dnieper and beyond. Polish ambitions to control the Ukrainian and White Ruthenian lands and to assimilate these two peoples culturally in order to make them an ethnographic Polish entity, with some exceptions of course, failed.


Author(s):  
A. Edward Siecienski

The Orthodox church continued to suffer persecution through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In Russia, Tsar Peter the Great decreed a new system of church governance, with the tsar serving as “Supreme Judge of the Spiritual College.” ‘Persecution and resurrection’ outlines the difficulties that Orthodox Christians faced through the twentieth century: the impact of the First World War, new Soviet rule in Russia, and the Second World War. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 allowed Orthodoxy to become once again an important part of Russia’s political and cultural landscape. The persecution of Orthodox Christians continued in the Arab world during the late twentieth century, resulting in a Christian exodus from the Middle East.


2018 ◽  
pp. 287-304
Author(s):  
Kristiane Janeke

Kristiane Janeke traces the history of the Moscow Brothers’ (Soldiers’) Cemetery, using the specific case of this memorial to wartime fallen as a springboard to a wider discussion of suppressed memories of the First World War in Russia. The chapter argues that remembrance of the war was deliberately stifled as part of the Bolshevik project of creating a new ideological identity for the fledgling Soviet regime. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, however, there have been efforts to restore Russians’ collective memory of the First World War.


Author(s):  
Gregor Thum

This chapter considers how the remapping of Central Europe after the Second World War was radical not so much in terms of changes in national borders, as in the broadscale shifting of settlement boundaries. The borders had already been altered after the First World War and new countries created upon the ruins of the fallen Central and Eastern European empires. Prolonged mass migrations also ensued at that time. Many people did not want to live in the countries they found themselves in after the political map was redrawn, or they fled growing discrimination against ethnic minorities. After the Second World War, the Allied powers abandoned the principles to which they committed themselves in 1918. They wanted the territory between Germany and the Soviet Union to be made up of homogeneous nation-states that were no longer burdened by the existence of ethnic minorities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 37-46
Author(s):  
Igor I. Barinov ◽  

This article sheds some light on the early life of Kazys Škirpa (1895–1979), a prominent military offi cer and statesman of interwar Lithuania. Škirpa was best known for his efforts to re-establish Lithuanian independence with the support of Nazi Germany after his country was annexed by the Soviet Union during the Second World War. For this reason, evaluation of his personal biography has previously been neglected by scholars. Striving to fi ll this research and knowledge gap, this paper hypothesises that the formation of the future politician was deeply infl uenced by processes that took place during his youth in Russia. Škirpa’s biography offers a fascinating insight into changes in the Russian Empire. The changes included the two trajectories of Russifi cation; “from above” and “from below” and the transformation of the loyalty principles as well – social- religious loyalty became ethnonational. Russian governmental policy was to categorise its population on the basis of formal criteria. Škirpa’s biography demonstrates how the representatives of various ethnic groups (including Lithuanians) bypassed bureaucratic peculiarities to develop their national identity, which worked against the raison d’être of the empire. However, at the same time these representatives of the various ethnic groups remained “ideal subjects” of the Tzar. It was the First World War that contributed to the realisation of the national and political aspirations of such ethnic communities. The article also includes some of Škirpa’s previously undiscovered personal documents, which were found in the Russian archives.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-37
Author(s):  
TEKEREK MELTEM ◽  

Cinema had been found at the end of the 19th century. The first cinema shows in the Ottoman Empire and the Russian Empire had been held in 1896. Since the beginning of the 20th century, cinema, which was an effective tool in propaganda, had some experiences until the end of the First World War. After the war, developments in international relations brought Turkey and Soviet Russia closer together. Thus, good relations that started in 1919 will have been continued for a long time. During this period, cinema was used by the Bolsheviks in Russia about realizing the objectives of the regime, and this experience affected Turkey. Therefore, one of the issues which mentioned in the relations between the two countries was the cinema. Turkey wanted to benefit from propaganda and indoctrination power of cinema in Atatürk period dominated by the friendly relations between the two countries. This study aims to examine how cinema reflected on the relations between the two countries during the Atatürk period. It has been seen that cinema had an important status in relations between Turkey and Soviet Russia. The interaction on cinema started in the 1920s and continued in the 1930s. Although the cooperation continued between the two countries about the cinema, Turkey had been sensitive to any threat to the regime which could be coming from the Soviet Union in this process.


2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 351-383
Author(s):  
Paul Pilisi

Throughout the XIXth century federalism in Eastern Europe sought to regroup small nations and states within federal structures capable of guaranteeing their collective independence in the long-term vis-à-vis those powers directly interested in that region of the continent. After the First World War the federalist forces of Eastern Europe, conscious of the tragic effects of the balkanization of Central and Eastern Europe, had approached regional reconstruction in a spirit of unity. This unity, whose spirit and idea derived from a common historical experience, was taken up by the progressive forces active within the resistance during the Second World War. Shortly thereafter, among the political forces tending to promote regional unity, the socialist and communist parties engaged in activities of major importance. From their initial perspective, the solidarity of the Eastern Countries was to lead to the establishment of federal structures without the adhesion of the Soviet Union.


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