Interrogating and Conceptualizing the Legacy of Thatcherism

Author(s):  
Colin Hay ◽  
Stephen Farrall

This chapter reflects on the debates surrounding Thatcherism with the benefit of hindsight. Most commentators seem to accept that Thatcherism is now a historic concept—referring, if not exactly to the period 1979–90, then certainly to events now largely concluded. This allows us a degree of historical perspective that was previously unavailable. Current assessments by political scientists of the rise of ‘New Labour’ and of the development of the British state in the post-war period have had to grapple with this period (and, indeed, 1997). But there are other reasons for returning to Thatcherism and perhaps even for preferring the term ‘Thatcherism’ to the more recent ‘neo-liberalism’. ‘Thatcherism’—however hard it remains to offer a strict definition—embraced more than just neo-liberal ideas. Thatcherism combined both neo-liberal and neo-conservative strands and was often at its more radical and consequential when it identified policy targets which combined elements of both.

Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

The book integrates philosophical, historical, and empirical analyses in order to highlight the profound roots of the limited legitimation of parties in contemporary society. Political parties’ long attempts to gain legitimacy are analysed from a philosophical–historical perspective pinpointing crucial passages in their theoretical and empirical acceptance. The book illustrates the process through which parties first emerged and then achieved full legitimacy in the early twentieth century. It shows how, paradoxically, their role became absolute in the totalitarian regimes of the interwar period when the party became hyper-powerful. In the post-war period, parties shifted from a golden age of positive reception and organizational development towards a more difficult relationship with society as it moved into post-industrialism. Parties were unable to master societal change and favoured the state to recover resources they were no longer able to extract from their constituencies. Parties have become richer and more powerful, but they have ‘paid’ for their pervasive presence in society and the state with a declining legitimacy. The party today is caught in a dramatic contradiction. It has become a sort of Leviathan with clay feet: very powerful thanks to the resources it gets from the state and to its control of societal and state spheres due to an extension of clientelistic and patronage practices; but very weak in terms of legitimacy and confidence in the eyes of the mass public. However, it is argued that there is still no alternative to the party, and some hypotheses to enhance party democracy are advanced.


Politics ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Driver ◽  
Luke Martell

In a critique of our book New Labour, David Rubinstein has argued that we exaggerate the degree of difference between Old and New Labour and underplay the similarities. In this article we agree with many of the continuities that Rubinstein outlines. However, we argue that he himself gives plenty of evidence in favour of our thesis that change has been marked in many policy areas. We argue that we give a good account of the wider social factors that he says accounts for such change. In this article we offer a restatement of the view that New Labour offers a ‘post-Thatcherite’ politics. New Labour breaks both with post-war social democracy and with Thatcherism.


1970 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Rankin

In this paper, the author presents an historical perspective on the New Zealand labour market, placing the present employment crisis into its post-war perspective. The structural recession which commenced in the mid-1980s has placed huge stresses on the working age population. Just as the 1930s depression had a long-term impact on female workforce participation, the present crisis can be expected to permanently modify labour supply trends. The analysis focuses on income effects, with particular reference to responses to expectations of and changes in household incomes.


Author(s):  
Julio Baquero Cruz

This chapter explains how, in the aftermath of the Second World War, many asked practical questions such as whether the politics and law of sovereign nation states could still be trusted as effective shields against the destructive forces lurking beneath the thin patina of European civilization. The post-war generation knew very well that those forces, ignited by blind nationalism, strong identities, and an even stronger hatred for the other, were always ready to unleash their murderous rage in certain circumstances. In that context, surrounded by ruins of many kinds, many felt that serious efforts were required to restructure the European continent and to try to avoid a third—possibly final—World War. European integration and its law may only be understood properly from that historical perspective.


1997 ◽  
Vol 21 (8) ◽  
pp. 506-509 ◽  
Author(s):  
Khin-Maung-Zaw

Myanmar, until recently known as Burma, is a developing nation in south-east Asia. Burmese kings and emperors ruled this land until 1885, when it fell into the hands of the British. It gained its independence in 1948. Burma has a mainly agricultural economy and has a rich fertile soil. At one stage in the post-war history Myanmar was renowned as ‘the rice bowl of the world’. It is blessed with abundant natural resources such as teak and precious stones. Myanmar covers a land area twice that of the British Isles with a population of around 42 million.


Japan Forum ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yasukichi Yasuba

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