scholarly journals La reforma del artículo 135 de la Carta Magna española : la superación de los clichés del tabú y de la rigidez constitucionales

Author(s):  
Luis Jimena Quesada

El presente trabajo sugiere que la reforma constitucional de 2011 (art. 135) para incluir el límite máximo de endeudamiento e imponer la estabilidad presupuestaria en España ha confirmado que las fuerzas e intereses económicos prevalecen en la práctica sobre unos teóricamente sólidos principios constitucionales, tanto a nivel europeo como nacional. En efecto, se han producido en paralelo algunas paradojas: en primer lugar, la ausencia de un real Gobierno económico europeo (con un asimétrico enfoque consistente en un Consejo Europeo de 27 y una Cumbre del Euro de 17) al lado de la débil posición de un Gobierno nacional (sin mayoría parlamentaria), han sido capaces no obstante de operar un «abuso» de las disposiciones constitucionales como instrumento anticrisis. En segundo término, las contundentes normas económicas y de competencia incluidas en el Derecho Europeo primario, junto con la material flexibilidad de la Constitución económica española, no se han mostrado tampoco adecuadas para impedir la relativización de los teóricamente rígidos procedimientos de revisión de los Tratados Europeos y del procedimiento especial de reforma constitucional en España. Se llega así como conclusión a la necesidad de reforzar: tanto la posición de la ciudadanía/demos a nivel europeo e interno, como los fundamentos dogmáticos de la Teoría del Derecho constitucional (europeo y nacional).This essay suggests that the 2011 Constitutional Amendment (Art. 135) to include a debt ceiling provision and impose a balance budget standard in Spain has confirmed that economic forces and interests prevail in practice over theoretical solid constitutional principles, both at European and domestic levels. Indeed, some parallel paradoxes have emerged: firstly, the absence of a real European economic government (the asymmetric approach consisting of one European Council for 27 and one Euro Summit for 17) together with the weak position of a National government (governing without a parliamentary majority) have nevertheless produced an «abuse» of constitutional provisions as an anti-crisis instrument. Secondly, the prominent economic and competition rules included in European Primary Law together with the material flexibility of the Spanish Economic Constitution have not been suitable to prevent from relativizing theoretical rigid revision procedures of European Treaties and Spanish special constitutional amendment procedure. The final conclusion is the need to strengthen both: the position of Citizenship/Demos at European and domestic level as well as the dogmatic foundation of the Theory of (European and National) Constitutional Law.

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (101) ◽  
pp. 819
Author(s):  
Luis Jimena Quesada

Resumen:La presente contribución adopta como hipótesis de partida la relativa influencia de los estándares internacionales en la redacción de la Constitución de 1978 y la absoluta necesidad de adaptación a la realidad del Estado supranacional e internacionalmente integrado. En este sentido, un primer enfoque permite comprobar que, a pesar del juego potencial de las disposiciones constitucionales de apertura internacional, y tras cuatro décadas de vigencia de la Carta Magna Española de 1978, la justicia constitucional y la doctrina constitucionalista no han mostrado una actitud clara y abierta hacia las exigencias jurídicas internacionales, con la excepción de un relativo entusiasmo hacia los parámetros europeos. En efecto, en la parte central del artículo, el análisis de los cuarenta años constitucionalismo democrático bajo la Constitución de 1978 revela, primeramente, un déficit de interpretación basado en soluciones internacionales más favorables, así como una incorrecta e inexplorada concepción del impacto de los tratados internacionales en el sistema constitucional de fuentes.En segundo término, se examina la proyección positiva de los estándares internacionales tanto en la «parte dogmática» (valores, principios y derechos constitucionales) como en la «parte orgánica» de la Constitución (separación de poderes y organización territorial del poder), sin olvidar el peso de los instrumentos internacionales en la defensa del orden constitucional (mecanismos ordinario —tribunal constitucional— y extraordinario —reforma constitucional—). En tercer lugar, se somete a escrutinio la responsabilidad social de la Universidad en sus tareas de enseñanza y de investigación (especialmente en situaciones domésticas conflictivas), con objeto de transferir un conocimiento avanzado a la sociedad sin banalizar o trivializar la importancia del Derecho internacional y del Derecho constitucional en la defensa democrática del orden constitucional. Por último, se completa el análisis propuesto a través de la toma en consideración del lugar que también ocupan las normas constitucionales en los tratados internacionales y el impacto de nociones como margen de apreciación nacional, identidad constitucional y otras.La conclusión principal del trabajo consiste en sostener la necesaria retroalimentación de los estándares internacionales y constitucionales, puesto que esas sinergias positivas (incluido un diálogo judicial global) seguirán propiciando el fortalecimiento del sentimiento constitucional bajo una Carta Magna Española de 1978 inserta en un contexto cada vez más globalizado.Abstract:This papers adopts as a starting hypothesis the relative degree of influence of international standards in the drafting of the 1978 Spanish Constitution and the absolute need to accommodate to the reality of an integrated State at supranational and international levels. In this sense, a first approach shows that, despite the potential role of constitutional clauses opening to international standards, and after four decades since the entry into force of the Spanish Magna Carta of 1978, constitutional justice and constitutional doctrine have not shown clear nor open behaviour towards international legal requirements, with the exception of its relative enthusiasm towards European parameters.Indeed, in the main part of this paper, the analysis of the past forty yearsof democratic constitutionalism under the 1978 Constitution reveals, first and foremost, an interpretative deficit based on more favourable international solutions, as well as an incorrect and unexplored view of the impact of international treaties within the constitutional system of sources of law.Secondly, the positive impact of international standards is examined in  connection with both the «dogmatic part» (constitutional values, principlesand rights) and the «organic part» of the Constitution (separation of powers and territorial organization of the State), without forgetting the weight of international instruments in defending the constitutional order (ordinary —constitutional court— and extraordinary —constitutional amendment— mechanisms). Thirdly, the social responsibility of Universities in their teaching and research (especially in conflicting domestic situations) is submitted to scrutiny, in order to show its key role in transferring advanced knowledge to society without trivializing the importance of both international law and constitutional law in the democratic defense of the constitutional order. Finally, the place that constitutional norms occupy in international treaties, as well as the impact of notions such as (national) margin of appreciation, constitutional identity and others, are proposed so as to complete the analysis.The main conclusion of this paper holds the necessary feedback of internationaland constitutional standards, since these positive synergies (including a global judicial dialogue) will continue to promote the strengthening of a «constitutional feeling» under the 1978 Spanish Magna Carta, which is inserted in an increasingly globalized context.Summary:1. Preliminary issues: the influence of international standards in the drafting of the 1978 Constitution and the need for consistency with the reality of an integrated State at supranational and international levels. 2. Subsequent issues: the weight of constitutional jurisdiction confinement in light of international parameters. 3. Further questions: the presence of a self-absorbed constitutionalism with respect to international sources in general and relatively enthusiastic about European sources in particular. 4. Constitutional clauses on the open acceptance of international standards: particular focus on human rights instruments. 5. The constitutional approach international treaties and the so-called control of conventionality. 6. The favourable impact of international standards on the set of constitutional values, principles and rights. 7. The impact of international standards on the organization of powers. 8. The positive role of international instruments in defending the constitutional order: 8.1. Internationalization of the constituent function and the weighting of constitutional amendments. 8.2. International standards and constitutional jurisdiction. 8.3. The inadmissible trivialization of both International and Constitutional Law. 9. International instruments’s regard for constitutional norms: the margin of (national) appreciation, the counter-limits and related notions doctrine. 10. Final remarks: the feedback between international andconstitutional standards  


Global Jurist ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gürkan Çapar

Abstract Despite the clear clue given by Kim L. Scheppele as to the shortcomings of governance checklists, it is surprising that comparative constitutional lawyers have not yet followed it up. In fact, what Scheppele hinted at is that the methodologies we have used so far fall short of detecting the interaction effect of the particular components; this is why we need new methodologies and new ways of seeing. To address this, this article will incorporate some tools, having already taken hold in legal philosophy, into the methods discussions in comparative constitutional law in particular and comparative law in general. Upon benefiting from the distinction between internal and external points of view and showing how hermeneutical one differs from the others, the article will make a discursive analysis of the 2010 constitutional amendment in Turkey through the lenses of these three points of view.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (18) ◽  
pp. 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mauro Arturo Rivera León

In spite of being formally rigid, the Mexican Constitution is frequently amended. In this article, I analyze the constitutional amendment procedure in order to understand the causes, consequences and potential solutions of the accelerated rhythm of constitutional amendments in Mexico.


Author(s):  
Yaniv Roznai

A central feature within constitutional design is the amendment procedure or formula, through which formal changes to the constitution can take place. There is a growing trend in global constitutionalism to impose various limitations on constitutional amendment powers (‘unamendability’). These restrictions on the ability to amend constitutions may be procedural, for example by demanding special procedural conditions for amending the constitution. Others are temporal and require constitutional actors to adhere to certain specifications as to the timing of various steps in the formal amendment process, either at the proposal or ratification stages, or both. More contentious is the imposition of substantive limitations on amending constitutional subjects (provisions, principles, rules, symbols, or institutions) through the formal constitutional amendment provision (‘substantive unamendability’). Substantive unamendability of a constitutional subject may be explicit in the form of –what is often termed – eternity or unamendable clauses, or may be implicit as result of courts’ interpretation of the constitutional text, declaring that even in the absence of explicit unamendability, certain constitutional principles are implicitly unamendable. The Chapter focuses on unamendability in the Caribbean. It reviews some of the formal or temporal limitations that we find in Caribbean Constitutions; then reviews explicit substantive limitations, focusing on Cuba, Haiti and Dominican Republic, and implied substantive limitations, as applied in Belize and hinted in Puerto Rico. The Chapter demonstrates that the global trend of limitations on formal constitutional change finds its manifestations also in Caribbean Constitutions.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Chanda Chiluba

At least to the majority of tweets, the Zambian Constitution of Zambian Amendment Bill number 10 if successfully passed into law could have greatly created uneven impacts on key sectors of society within Zambia. In trying to review the support and outrage of Bill 10 on Twitter, this article uses thematic analysis to investigate 600 Bill 10-related tweets from 21st June 2019 to 21st June 2020 that were retweeted at least 500. The statistical cybermetrics and thematic approaches used generated quick insights into widely resonating subjects of Bill 10 related issues at the time of debate in Zambia. The findings in this article are highly suggestive of the value of Twitter for disseminating information and in this case more especially about understandings, contents and contexts of governance issues of Bill 10. Twitter also offered or requested for support, the ability of many citizens with divergent views and different political affiliations to adjust to the process of the amendment of Bill 10, and information about the contents of the Bill in Zambia. This article highlights, that as gathered from Twitter, it is key to entrench fundamental principles in constitution amendment processes and such principles in a constitutional text, the idea is to firmly embed them, making them very difficult for any governing body to change for their own advantage. Bill 10 retweets shows that amendment procedures are vital for the protection of the underlying constitutional principles, and are generally considered to have a somewhat unassailable status. As shown by many tweets analysed, a government supporting amendment to the constitutional amendment procedure, could in itself be considered an abuse of power.


1935 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 610-630
Author(s):  
Charles G. Haines

Validity of Constitutional Amendments. The courts continue to scan with rather meticulous care the procedure for the adoption of constitutional amendments. Where the sole purpose of a proposed constitutional amendment under the initiative provisions of the constitution was to provide for the levy of a “syncrotax,” or a tax on the basis of gross receipts in lieu of all other state taxes, a petition with a short title reading “initiative measure providing for adoption of gross receipts act” was held fatally defective in view of the requirement that every initiative petition have a short title showing the nature of the petition and the subject to which it relates. But according to the supreme court of Florida, a proposal to amend the constitution need not have a title, need not be read on different days or at different times, and need not be concurred in by the governor. And the dissenting justices protested that the majority failed to uphold the requirement that a proposed amendment shall be entered upon the respective journals of the two houses with the yeas and nays, showing a three-fifths vote in favor of the amendment. There must be, however, a violation of express constitutional requirements for the courts to interfere with the procedure in the adoption of amendments.


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