scholarly journals Los mártires de Libisosa: origen, transformación y pervivencia de una tradición hagiográfica

2020 ◽  
pp. 45-62
Author(s):  
José Antonio Molina Gómez ◽  
Héctor Uroz Rodríguez ◽  
José Ángel Munera Martínez

En el presente artículo los autores estudian las tradiciones hagiográficas sobre los mártires del siglo III Vicente y Leto, quienes murieron en Libisosa (Lezuza, Albacete). El estudio se centra en la relación entre tradiciones martirológicas, la evidencia arqueológica y las tradiciones locales. Escritores modernos como Higuera y Requena podrían haber usado fuentes antiguas para (re)escribir la historia de Vicente y Leto. De acuerdo con la tradición local ambos fueron ejecutados en un lugar llamado hoy en día Vallejo de los Santos, en las inmediaciones de Lezuza, donde habría sido levantado un templo para rendirles culto. In the following article, the authors study the hagiographic tradition of the Third Century Christian Martyrs Vicente and Leto, both of which died in Libisosa (Lezuza, Albacete). Said study shall focus upon the link between the matyrological tradition, archaeological evidence and local traditions. Modern writers such as Higuera or Requena may well have employed these ancient sources while (re)writing the history of Vicente and Leto. According to local tradition, both were executed in a place now called Vallejo de los Santos, in the outskirts of Lezuza, where a temple would have been built for their worship.

Antichthon ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 47 ◽  
pp. 191-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Edwell

AbstractIt is generally agreed that during the first century BC the Euphrates River came to represent a negotiated boundary of Roman and Parthian power in the Near East, and that this remained the case until the overthrow of the Parthians by the Sassanians in the third century AD. It was during the first century BC that the term imperium began to be used in the context of expressions of corporate Roman power; this eventually saw an additional important usage of the term evolve to that of an expression of physical territory, that is, empire, by the end of the reign of Augustus. This paper argues that it is possible to link the development of the Euphrates as a boundary of Roman and Parthian power in the first century BC with developments and changes in the usage of the term imperium. It traces the history of Roman and Parthian agreements and conflicts throughout the first century BC in the context of the development of the Euphrates as a boundary. The paper also argues that only the upper section of the Euphrates came to play this role and that previous analyses of the middle Euphrates have produced a misleading understanding of Roman and Parthian activity on this section of the river. The analysis of archaeological evidence from the first centuries BC and AD from the middle Euphrates site of Dura Europos is employed to illuminate the analysis of the Euphrates as a boundary. We arrive at a better understanding of Dura's history during this period if we considert Dura in the broader context of the Euphrates’ role in dividing Roman and Parthian power.


1909 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 264-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. W. Tarn

No apology should be needed for treating afresh these much-discussed battles, if only because the last two years have produced new and important evidence from Delos; though in fact the literary allusions, scanty as they are, have hardly even yet been sufficiently elucidated. I hope in this paper to fix the dates of Andros and Cos by the Delian archon-list, and to consider what that means in terms of B.C. In a subsequent paper, to be published in the next number of this Journal, I hope, by working out the history of the ship which Antigonus Gonatas dedicated to Apollo, to confirm the date assigned to Cos in this paper. If these two dates could really be fixed, they would be invaluable for our understanding of Aegean history in the middle of the third century.


The author considers the content of the “Milan Papyrus” with the epigrams of Posidippus of Pella, the first edition of which was published in 2003, with reference to the history of the Nabataean Arabs. The mention of the Nabataean king in the work is the very first in narrative sources, which allows to reconsider some traditional points of view on the life of the Nabataeans in the early Hellenistic period before their transition to a settled life. It should be noted that referring to the early period of the history of the Nabataeans, researchers inevitably encounter a problem that is associated with a lack of narrative sources. The data available today do not fully restore the course of historical events, especially during the period when the Nabataean tribes led a nomadic lifestyle. To a certain extent, the fragmentariness of the written sources is compensated by the data of archeology, epigraphy and numismatics, however, the early Hellenistic period of the history of the Nabataeans, unfortunately, is still not adequately covered by the sources. Meanwhile, it was at that time when the Nabataeans experienced a gradual transition from a nomadic way of life to a sedentary one, as well as the most important historical processes that determined the path of their further existence under statehood were being held. Nevertheless, the range of sources is gradually expanding, which allows researchers to set new tasks and look for ways to solve them. Thus, as a result of the research, the author concludes that the data of the “Milan Papyrus” suggest that the royal Nabataean dynasty has deeper roots than was commonly believed, and from the middle of the third century BC at the head was the king, under whose command was the cavalry corps. This conclusion changes the generally accepted idea of the socio-political development of the Nabataean society in the early stages of its history.


2021 ◽  
pp. 313-325
Author(s):  
Dominic Perring

This chapter explores further manifestations of wealth and power in and around early third-century London, particularly evident in the rise of mystery cults and new burial practices. It starts by reviewing evidence of the expansion of the presumed suburban villa and building of a bathhouse at Shadwell c. AD 228. This was perhaps occupied by an important government official linked to the coastal supply routes later developed into the forts of the Saxon shore. Several other villas and townhouses were refurbished at this time, when the temple of Mithras was built. These and other finds reported on here attest to the popularity of a diverse range of mystery and salvation cults, with a particularly wide repertoire of Bacchic motifs. London’s later Roman cemeteries expanded as inhumation gained in popularity, and cremation became a rarer rite. The chapter describes the archaeological evidence for these changed burial practices which can also be linked to the rise of soteriological belief systems that encouraged ideas of physical resurrection. The reasons for these changed mentalities are considered in the context of the history of the period.


Heritage ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 1097-1116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luigi Capozzoli ◽  
Sabrina Mutino ◽  
Maria Grazia Liseno ◽  
Gregory De Martino

This paper describes the results obtained using an archaeogeophysical-based approach for discovering new Roman structures belonging to the ancient settlement of Forentum, currently identifiable by a well-preserved sanctuary from the third century BC. The investigated area has been affected by invasive anthropic activities that have partially damaged the Roman structures. Extensive geophysical measurements, including detailed ground-penetrating radar investigations supported by magnetometric data, have allowed for the identification of an impressive complex of structures composed of various buildings. Magnetometric and electromagnetic anomalies suggest the existence of an “urban” dimension close to the Gravetta Sanctuary, totally unearthed and unknown until now, organized into regular patterns in a similar way to the most famous site in the vicinity of Bantia, or the famous Apulian archaeological sites of Ordona and Arpi.


1970 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. V. Sumner

It is generally recognized that Rome of the early Republic offers a good example of the correlation between military and political organization. The ordering of the Roman citizenry in centuries, classes and age-groups was in origin and essence a military system. The Comitia Centuriata was the exercitus urbanus—the army on parade in the Field of Mars.But by the third century B.C. the Roman army and the centuriate assembly were manifestly two different systems, even if vestiges of their interconnection lingered on. The process whereby this differentiation had come about is, unfortunately, not so clear. The traditional accounts of early Roman history generally failed to devote much attention to questions of that order. Yet the effort to tackle and, if possible, solve this complex of problems can hardly be evaded. The answers given, or assumed, by modern historians are bound to determine how the whole history of early Rome is interpreted and represented.


1935 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 77-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick H. Wilson

The building with which this study is concerned occupies the eastern half of Region ii, 2, just inside the city gate at Ostia. Two specific statements have been made concerning it, that it commenced as magazzini or horrea in the republican era, and that it was converted into baths in the late third century A.D.; these were the suggestions of the excavators, and have never yet been questioned. They are points of considerable importance, because this building would thus be the only example of republican horrea yet discovered in Ostia, and the conversion of horrea into baths or shops, which the theory implies, would be important for the economic history of Ostia, whether the reason for the change was the concentration of horrea elsewhere or merely the decline of the city. The second statement, too, would point to building activity in Ostia at a time when no other big building was being put up. This paper is an attempt to prove that at no time was the building used as horrea, and that the conversion to baths is to be placed not in the third, but in the late first, or very early second century A.D. Five main periods will be distinguished, of which the appended table gives a summary.


1930 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 96-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. T. Salmon

One of the most recent writers on the early history of Rome has shown that the framework of the traditional story is perhaps to be trusted, even though there are many details, inconsistent and self-contradictory, which are obviously to be rejected. In view of this fact, it might be worth while to reconsider the Coriolanus story, the prevailing opinion concerning which is that vouchsafed by Mommsen many years ago: ‘die Erzählung ist ein spät, in die Annalen eingefügtes, darum in alien Stücken denselben ungleichartiges und widersprechendes Einschiebsel.’ The reasons for arriving at such an opinion are sufficiently obvious to warrant their receiving but the barest recital. First, it is incredible that the Volsci would either choose a renegade Roman to be their general, or, even if they did, allow him at the last minute to rob them of the fruits of victory. Secondly, inconsistencies in the version of the story which we possess induce us to suspect its historicity; for example, Dionysius of Syracuse is made to send corn to the starving Romans'—yet Dionysius lived some hundred years later; a youthful Coriolanus is represented as having considerable influence in the senate—yet in those early days the senate was essentially a gathering of venerable men; the Roman populace learns immediately the gist of Coriolanus' remarks in the senate—yet senate meetings were held in secret; Volsci are allowed to attend the ‘ludi’ and to meet at the Spring of Ferentina—yet in the fifth century none but Latini could do this; the Roman Marcius is given an honorific cognomen, Coriolanus, because of his behaviour at the capture of Corioli—yet such cognomina were not granted until the third century or even later and even then only to the general and not to the subordinate; the plebs is represented as wielding great power in the assembly1—yet we know that in the fifth century it did nothing of the kind.


Molecules ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (18) ◽  
pp. 3403
Author(s):  
Rossella Gagliano Candela ◽  
Livia Lombardi ◽  
Alessandro Ciccola ◽  
Ilaria Serafini ◽  
Armandodoriano Bianco ◽  
...  

The Hasti Afunei sarcophagus is a large Etruscan urn, made up of two chalky alabaster monoliths. Dated from the last quarter of the third century BC, it was found in 1826 in the small town of Chiusi (Tuscany- Il Colle place) by a landowner, Pietro Bonci Casuccini, who made it part of his private collection. The noble owner’s collection was sold in 1865 to the Royal Museum of Palermo (today under the name of Antonino Salinas Regional Archaeological Museum), where it is still displayed. The sarcophagus is characterized by a complex iconography that is meticulously illustrated through an excellent sculptural technique, despite having subjected to anthropic degradation and numerous restorative actions during the last century. During the restoration campaign carried out between 2016 and 2017, a targeted diagnostic campaign was carried out to identify the constituent materials of the artefact, the pigments employed and the executive technique, in order to get an overall picture of conservation status and conservative criticalities. In particular, this last intervention has allowed the use of the innovative micro-sampling technique, patented by the Cultural Heritage research group of Sapienza, in order to identify the employee of lake pigments through SERS analyses. Together with this analysis, Raman and NMR technique have completed the information requested by restorers, for what concerns the wax employed as protective layers, and allowed to rebuild the conservation history of the sarcophagus. In fact, together with the identification of red ocher and yellow ocher, carbon black, Egyptian blue and madder lake, pigments compatible with the historical period of the work, modern pigments (probably green Paris, chrome orange, barium yellow, blue phtalocyanine) have been recognized, attributable with not documented intervention during the eighteenth and twentieth centuries.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document