scholarly journals Balúčské povstání v Pákistánu a souvislost s Čínou

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (2) ◽  
pp. 100-117
Author(s):  
Shakoor Ahmad Wani ◽  

This article examines the interplay between big ticket investment projects financed by the Chinese capital and ethno-nationalism in the province of Balochistan. It argues that the growing Chinese presence in Balochistan has provided a new impetus to an already simmering Baloch nationalist resistance. Balochistan has profuse natural resource wealth, yet its riches have not benefited its people. The Baloch are one of the most deprived communities in Pakistan. Successive central governments have exploited the province’s resources in the name of development to the detriment of its inhabitants. The advent of CPEC (China–Pakistan Economic Corridor) has exacerbated Baloch grievances. They believe that mega-development projects like Gwadar port would impinge adversely on local demography by attracting a huge influx of economic migrants and render the Baloch minority in their own land. The insurgent groups view China as a ‚partner in crime‘ and have responded by selectively targeting Chinese assets and personnel. The article analyses the nature of resistance to Chinese presence and the changing modus of insurgent groups. It argues that Islamabad’s attempts to deter the attacks by intensifying the militarisation of the province are counterproductive as they reinforce Baloch opposition to CPEC.

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (2) ◽  
pp. 82-99
Author(s):  
Shakoor Ahmad Wani ◽  

This article examines the interplay between big ticket investment projects financed by the Chinese capital and ethno-nationalism in the province of Balochistan. It argues that the growing Chinese presence in Balochistan has provided a new impetus to an already simmering Baloch nationalist resistance. Balochistan has profuse natural resource wealth, yet its riches have not benefited its people. The Baloch are one of the most deprived communities in Pakistan. Successive central governments have exploited the province’s resources in the name of development to the detriment of its inhabitants. The advent of CPEC (China–Pakistan Economic Corridor) has exacerbated Baloch grievances. They believe that mega-development projects like Gwadar port would impinge adversely on local demography by attracting a huge influx of economic migrants and render the Baloch minority in their own land. The insurgent groups view China as a ‚partner in crime‘ and have responded by selectively targeting Chinese assets and personnel. The article analyses the nature of resistance to Chinese presence and the changing modus of insurgent groups. It argues that Islamabad’s attempts to deter the attacks by intensifying the militarisation of the province are counterproductive as they reinforce Baloch opposition to CPEC.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 205316801881823 ◽  
Author(s):  
William O’Brochta

The relationship between natural resource wealth and civil conflict remains unclear, despite prolonged scholarly attention. Conducting a meta-analysis—a quantitative literature review—can help synthesize this broad and disparate field to provide clearer directions for future research. Meta-analysis tools determine both the aggregate effect of natural resources on conflict and whether any particular ways in which variables are measured systematically bias the estimated effect. I conduct a meta-analysis using sixty-nine studies from sixty-two authors. I find that there is no aggregate relationship between natural resources and conflict. Most variation in variable measurement does not alter the estimated effect. However, measuring natural resource wealth using Primary Commodity Exports and including controls for mountainous terrain and ethnic fractionalization all do significantly impact the results. These findings suggest that it may be worth exploring more nuanced connections between natural resources and conflict instead of continuing to study the overall relationship.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-358
Author(s):  
Fisayo Fagbemi ◽  
Grace Omowumi Adeoye

Nigeria is a glaring example of a country where weak public institutions are pervasive in spite of its huge natural resource wealth. The presence of natural resource abundance has exacerbated the overwhelming development challenge in the economy. While the upshot of most empirical findings of the resource impact covers how the growth path is determined through the channel of institutions, the question as to why resource rents often fail to stimulate improved governance is more critical than ever. Hence, the study examines the effect of natural resource rents on the quality of governance in Nigeria for the period 1984–2017, using ARDL bounds test approach, Dynamic Least Squares (DOLS), and Granger Causality test based on Vector Error Correction Model (VECM). Results reveal that natural resource rents have an insignificant effect on governance indicators in the long-run as well in the short-run, suggesting that natural resource windfalls have a shallow effect on the development of good governance. However, further evidence indicates that pervasive institutional gaps in Nigeria could be stimulated or caused by the overdependence on natural resource rents and entrenched mismanagement tendencies. Thus, the study suggests that maintaining strong political commitment, curtailing overdependence on natural resources, and ensuring sound management of natural resource wealth are central for improved governance.


2011 ◽  
Vol 44 (6) ◽  
pp. 662-688 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathan M. Jensen ◽  
Noel P. Johnston

There is a growing literature on how natural resources affect both economic performance and political regimes. In this article the authors add to this literature by focusing on how natural resource wealth affects the incentives of governments to uphold contracts with foreign investors across all sectors. They argue that although all states suffer reputation costs from reneging on contracts, governments in natural-resource-dependent economies are less sensitive to these costs, leading to a greater probability of expropriation and contract disputes. Specifically, leaders weigh the benefits of reneging on contracts with investors against the reputation costs of openly violating agreements with firms. The authors’ theoretical model predicts a positive association between resource wealth and expropriation. Using a data set from the political risk insurance industry, the authors show that resource dependent economies have much higher levels of political risk.


Author(s):  
Christopher Balding ◽  
Kevin Chastagner

China’s sovereign wealth fund (SWF), the China Investment Corporation (CIC), was established in 2007 and has grown to become the fourth largest SWF in the world with assets and offices spanning the globe. This chapter looks at the range of unique factors that need to be understood in order to place the CIC in context. When China decided to form its own SWF, it decided to do so by borrowing from the central bank in a complicated swap transaction in order to highlight the CIC’s independence from existing entities like the People’s Bank of China and the State Administration of Foreign Exchange. While most SWFs grow from an excess of natural resource wealth, the Chinese SWF is unique in that it grew out of years of current account surpluses accumulated from ensuring a fixed exchange rate. The chapter discusses the macroeconomic interplay between China and the CIC.


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