scholarly journals A meta-analysis of natural resources and conflict

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 205316801881823 ◽  
Author(s):  
William O’Brochta

The relationship between natural resource wealth and civil conflict remains unclear, despite prolonged scholarly attention. Conducting a meta-analysis—a quantitative literature review—can help synthesize this broad and disparate field to provide clearer directions for future research. Meta-analysis tools determine both the aggregate effect of natural resources on conflict and whether any particular ways in which variables are measured systematically bias the estimated effect. I conduct a meta-analysis using sixty-nine studies from sixty-two authors. I find that there is no aggregate relationship between natural resources and conflict. Most variation in variable measurement does not alter the estimated effect. However, measuring natural resource wealth using Primary Commodity Exports and including controls for mountainous terrain and ethnic fractionalization all do significantly impact the results. These findings suggest that it may be worth exploring more nuanced connections between natural resources and conflict instead of continuing to study the overall relationship.

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shmuel Nili

My aim in this essay is to advance discussion of how to justify the sacrifices that reforms combating global poverty might entail for the world’s better-off. I begin from the assumption that we should not try to motivate such sacrifices solely through the hope that they will produce significant poverty gains. Instead, we should also explore whether the affluent actually have compelling moral claims to the goods that they might be asked to relinquish as part of certain global reforms. This alternative strategy forms the background for my discussion of two influential global reform proposals. The first proposal is to tax the natural resource wealth enjoyed by various affluent countries in order to ameliorate global poverty. The second proposal is to prohibit the resource corporations based in affluent democracies from purchasing natural resources controlled by extreme kleptocrats. I argue that once we examine the relationship between these proposals from a sacrifice-sensitive perspective, we find that they genuinely conflict with each other, and that there are sacrifice-related reasons to put aside the canonical proposal for a global redistribution of natural resource wealth.


1970 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Willow Petersen

This paper focuses on the effect natural resources have on the intensity ofcivil conflict in the context of states developing natural resource and counterinsurgency policies. This paper conducts a comparative within-country case study to test the relationship between natural resources and civil conflict intensity. Through a comparative within-country case study, the effect of coca cultivation on the intensity of Peru’s civil war is examined to test the hypothesis that natural resources cause more intense civil conflict. This hypothesis is deemed plausible, as evidence is used to test three causal mechanisms: natural resources provide insurgents with wealth, increase the “prize value” of a region, and draw more international attention and intervention. These mechanisms are confirmed for the case of Peru, and a fourth, and initially unexpected, mechanism emerges.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (12) ◽  
pp. 575
Author(s):  
Rabah Arezki ◽  
Markus Brueckner

Military expenditures significantly affect the relationship between the risk of civil conflict outbreak and natural resources. We show that a significant positive effect of natural resource rents on the risk of civil conflict outbreak is limited to countries with low military expenditures. In countries with high military expenditures, there is no significant effect of natural resource rents on civil conflict onset. An important message is thus that a conflict resource curse is absent in countries with sufficiently large military expenditures.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (9) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Philip Agyei Peprah ◽  
Yao Hongxing ◽  
Alex Boadi Dankyi

In this study, it explored connections between FDI inflows and natural resource. The paper is an effort to investigate a sample of 10 most resourced sub-Sahara African countries and examine the influence of natural resources on FDI inflow. Further, natural resource wealth is reflected to weaken the FDI inflow. This study discovers if the natural resource overflow affects the FDI inflows. By means of panel data for a sample dated 1990-2017, the paper employed fixed effects method and settles that natural resource slows down FDI inflow of the host nation. The results indicate that economic growth, labor force, trade openness and financial development framework promote FDI inflow in Sub-Sahara Africa countries. The study proposes that FDI inflow to SSA is not only driven by the availability of natural resources in a country but by some exogenous factors, countries with non-existence of natural resources and can obtain FDI by cultivating their bodies and policy environment. Second, multifaceted organizations like the IMF and the World Bank can play a significant role in assisting FDI by encouraging good organisations in SSA.


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (5) ◽  
pp. 699-707 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Igoe Walsh ◽  
Justin M Conrad ◽  
Beth Elise Whitaker ◽  
Katelin M Hudak

We introduce a new dataset measuring if and how rebel groups earn income from the exploitation of natural resources or criminal activities. The Rebel Contraband Dataset makes three contributions to data in this area. First, it covers a wide range of natural resources and types of crime. Second, it measures rebel engagement in these activities over time. Third, it distinguishes among different strategies that rebel groups employ, such as extortion and smuggling. Theory suggests that reliance on natural resource wealth should lead rebels to mistreat civilians, but cross-group research using existing data does not find support for this relationship. We replicate an earlier study using data from the Rebel Contraband Dataset and conclude that there is a consistent relationship between natural resource exploitation and civilian victimization. Future research can use the dataset to explore questions about the onset, location, severity, and outcomes of civil conflicts.


2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 805-818 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian J Shin

AbstractThis article argues that substantial natural resource wealth leads to more restrictive low-skill immigration policy in advanced democracies. High-value natural resource production often crowds out labor-intensive firms that produce tradable goods. When these proimmigration business interests disappear due to deindustrialization, also known as the Dutch Disease, the proimmigration coalition weakens in domestic politics. Without strong business pressure for increased immigration, policy-makers close their doors to immigrants to accommodate anti-immigrant interests. Using a newly expanded dataset on immigration policy across twenty-four wealthy democracies, I find that oil-rich democracies are more likely to restrict low-skill immigration, especially when their economies are exposed to foreign competition in international trade. The results supplement the voter-based theories of immigration policy and contribute to an emerging literature on the political economy of natural resources and international migration.


2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 591-616 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justin M. Conrad ◽  
Kevin T. Greene ◽  
James Igoe Walsh ◽  
Beth Elise Whitaker

How does natural resource wealth influence the duration of civil conflicts? We theorize that the exploitation of natural resources can strengthen rebels’ “power to resist” the government, but this depends on how rebels earn funding from those resources. Distinguishing between the extortion and smuggling of natural resources, we posit that smuggling in particular is more likely to give rebels the flexibility and mobility needed to effectively resist government repression. We then test this proposition empirically using new data that identify not only whether rebels profit from resources but also how they do so. We find that only when rebels smuggle natural resources do civil conflicts last significantly longer. In contrast, conflicts in which rebel groups earn money from extorting natural resource production are not significantly more likely to endure. This finding is of special interest because past work has largely ignored how rebels earn income from natural resources and the implication this distinction might have on conflict processes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mustafa Kirisci ◽  
Emirhan Demirhan

AbstractWhile the growing body of research on non-violent political movements centres on the idea that choosing non-violence tends to produce more favourable outcomes for dissidents, the question of why some non-violent campaigns still fail has not been sufficiently empirically investigated. Building on the extant research on the effects of group dynamics and certain external actors, we examine the role of the natural resource wealth of target states on the outcomes of non-violent campaigns. We hypothesize that the probability that a non-violent movement will fail increases as the target state's natural resource wealth increases. This natural resource wealth could serve to neutralize the potential for support from both domestic and external actors, thereby increasing the risk of failure. The results of our statistical analyses support our hypothesis and suggest that non-violent campaigns are more likely to fail in states with higher natural resource wealth, particularly that which stems from oil.


Author(s):  
GRAEME BLAIR ◽  
DARIN CHRISTENSEN ◽  
AARON RUDKIN

Scholars of the resource curse argue that reliance on primary commodities destabilizes governments: price fluctuations generate windfalls or periods of austerity that provoke or intensify civil conflict. Over 350 quantitative studies test this claim, but prominent results point in different directions, making it difficult to discern which results reliably hold across contexts. We conduct a meta-analysis of 46 natural experiments that use difference-in-difference designs to estimate the causal effect of commodity price changes on armed civil conflict. We show that commodity price changes, on average, do not change the likelihood of conflict. However, there are cross-cutting effects by commodity type. In line with theory, we find price increases for labor-intensive agricultural commodities reduce conflict, while increases in the price of oil, a capital-intensive commodity, provoke conflict. We also find that price increases for lootable artisanal minerals provoke conflict. Our meta-analysis consolidates existing evidence, but also highlights opportunities for future research.


2021 ◽  
pp. 153448432098736
Author(s):  
Boreum Ju ◽  
Yunsoo Lee ◽  
Sunyoung Park ◽  
Seung Won Yoon

The purpose of this meta-analysis study is to examine the correlations between the Dimensions of Learning Organization Questionnaire (DLOQ) and frequently examined outcomes including organizational performance and employee attitudes. Positive relationships were found between the DLOQ and organizational performance (e.g., financial, knowledge, and innovative performance) and employee attitudes (e.g., organizational commitment and job satisfaction) and the sub-dimensions (e.g., affective, continuance, and normative commitment), with a notable exception of a negative relationship between the DLOQ and turnover. Because the DLOQ has been used in many countries over the years, this study also examined the influence of national culture on the outcomes. Power distance moderated the relationship between the learning organization and overall organizational performance. Our meta-analytic review makes substantive contributions to the literature on the learning organization concept and the study of national culture as a significant moderator. Implications of these findings and suggestions for future research are discussed.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document