scholarly journals “He Gave Me the Words”: An Interview with Raoul Peck

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 203-216
Author(s):  
Leah Mirakhor
Keyword(s):  
James Baldwin ◽  
First Century ◽  
Malcolm X ◽  
Politics And Culture ◽  
Raoul Peck ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
And Shifts ◽  
Walking To School ◽  
The Voice ◽  
Martin Luther King

I Am Not Your Negro (2016) takes its direction from the notes for a book entitled “Remember this House” that James Baldwin left unfinished, a book about his three friends—Medgar Evers, Malcolm X, and Martin Luther King Jr.— their murders, and their intertwining legacies. The film examines the prophetic shadow Baldwin’s work casts on twentieth- and twenty-first-century American politics and culture. Peck compiles archival material from Baldwin’s interviews on The Dick Cavett Show, his 1965 Cambridge lecture, and a series of banal images indexing the American dream. Juxtaposed against this mythology is footage of Dorothy Counts walking to school, the assassination of black leaders and activists, KKK rallies, and the different formations of the contemporary carceral state. Our conversation examines Peck’s role as a filmmaker and his relationship with the Baldwin estate. Additionally, we discussed a series of aesthetic choices he fought to include in the film’s final cut, directing Samuel L. Jackson as the voice for the film, the similarities and shifts he wanted to document in American culture since the 1960s, and some of the criticism he has received for not emphasizing more Baldwin’s sexuality.

scholarly journals Espectros de Baldwin

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 31-46
Author(s):  
Jânderson Albino Coswosk ◽  
Maria Aparecida Andrade Salgueiro
Keyword(s):  
Martin Luther ◽  
James Baldwin ◽  
Malcolm X ◽  
Raoul Peck ◽  
Martin Luther King

O artigo explora a potência crítica e narrativa do documentário I Am Not Your Negro (2016), do diretor haitiano Raoul Peck (1953-), resultante de uma pesquisa intensa do diretor nos arquivos pessoais do escritor e ensaísta afro-americano James Baldwin (1924-1987). Apontaremos de que modo Baldwin, através da manipulação imagética e textual proposta por Peck, ressuscita questões graves da história das tensões raciais nos Estados Unidos, que dividiram o país antes e após o início dos anos 1970, ou ainda, após a luta pelos direitos civis e a morte de seus três grandes amigos: Martin Luther King Jr., Medgar Evers e Malcolm X. Evidenciaremos como o documentário expõe um pano de fundo do passado que se confunde com imagens, narrativas, corpos e nomes do presente, ao destacar a importância das reflexões de Baldwin para a luta contra o racismo e a violência ainda impostos à população negra estadunidense na contemporaneidade.

Conclusion

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela E. Pennock
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
American Identity ◽  
First Century ◽  
Arab Americans ◽  
Arab American ◽  
Muslim Americans ◽  
Politics And Culture ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

As we approach the third decade of the twenty-first century, the United States continues to wrestle with defining its role in Middle East conflicts and fully accepting and fairly treating Arab and Muslim Americans. In this contentious and often ill-informed climate, it is crucial to appreciate the struggles, priorities, and accomplishments of Arab Americans over the past several decades, both what has set them apart and what has integrated them into the politics and culture of the United States. Arab American organizing in the environment of minority rights movements in the 1960s and 1970s fostered a heightened consciousness of and pride in Arab American identity....

Prison Religion and Prison Justice

2020 ◽  
pp. 153-192
Author(s):  
Joshua Dubler ◽  
Vincent W. Lloyd
Keyword(s):  
Mass Incarceration ◽  
Religious Practices ◽  
The Political ◽  
Malcolm X ◽  
Court Decisions ◽  
Ethnographic Fieldwork ◽  
Conversion To Islam ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Martin Luther King ◽  
The Church

Using trial records, court decisions, and ethnographic fieldwork, this chapter tracks how the disruptive religious practices of the prisoners’ rights era, including prison strikes, became the accommodating religious practices of America’s prisons today. In other words, it tells the story of the rise and fall of the collectivist prisoners’ religion of the 1960s and the subsequent ascendency of the depoliticized, accommodationist religious forms better suited to the controlled conditions of mass incarceration. Touching on a range of incarcerated people’s writings and rituals, including Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X and his conversion to Islam, the Church of the New Song, and the black naturalist sect MOVE, the chapter explores how highlighting the politicizing force of prison and reclaiming the political-theological voices of prisoners might allow us to see new possibilities for justice beyond the prison. With an eye toward what has been repressed, the chapter concludes with the abolitionist promise of the new surge in prisoners’ political organizing.

The Myth of the Christian Nation

2018 ◽  
pp. 82-129
Author(s):  
Richard T. Hughes
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
First Century ◽  
Malcolm X ◽  
Second Great Awakening ◽  
Early Date ◽  
White American ◽  
Christian Nation ◽  
Martin Luther King

While America’s founders sought to create a nation of religious freedom, not a Christian nation, Christians in the early nineteenth century effectively Christianized the American Republic through the Second Great Awakening. Over the course of American history, many whites have accepted the claim that America is a Christian nation. Blacks from an early date, however, have argued that Christian America is a hollow concept, informed by assumptions of white supremacy. In the nineteenth century, David Walker ridiculed the notion of Christian America, while Frederick Douglass and Ida B. Wells claimed that the idea of Christian America was a cover for horrendous crimes against blacks. In the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, blacks as disparate as Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X, James Baldwin, Ta-Nehisi Coates, and James Cone unmasked the myth of a Christian America. By the twenty-first century, the collapse of Christian dominance in the United States could be traced, at least in part, to the complicity of white American Christians in the myth of White Supremacy. Many white Christians responded by attempting to restore a lost golden age, ignoring their complicity in the myth of White Supremacy that had helped bring on America’s fourth time of trial.

Walk the Way of Free Men

2018 ◽  
pp. 181-227
Author(s):  
D'Weston Haywood
Keyword(s):  
Black Men ◽  
Malcolm X ◽  
Media Campaign ◽  
Black Freedom Struggle ◽  
Black Manhood ◽  
Freedom Struggle ◽  
Black Freedom ◽  
Rapid Changes ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Voice

This chapter reinterprets the rise of black radicalism as a moment of competing “voices” across competing mass medias amid rapid changes in the black freedom struggle and media landscape of the 1960s. It also reinterprets Malcolm X as a newspaper publisher, a rather underanalyzed side of Malcolm. Black publishers had long considered their papers the “voice” of the race, and Malcolm’s founding of Muhammad Speaks in 1960 to amplify the voice of Elijah Muhammad signified this. Yet, the paper’s founding also marked the beginning of the Nation of Islam’s (NOI) robust media campaign to use various medias—radio, books, and albums of Muhammad’s speeches—to promote Muhammad’s vision for racial advancement over others. His vision promised to redeem black manhood by renewing their lives, a vision displayed through salesmen for Muhammad Speaks. Thus, readers could read both the paper and their bodies. Malcolm, however, made his display through television. But when he began to gain a voice through television that rivaled that of Muhammad’s in print, the NOI’s media campaign turned from promising to renew the lives of black men to promising to take it away. Malcolm became a newspaperman cut short of his full publishing potential.

scholarly journals The Warrior and the Poet

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-121
Author(s):  
Nicholas Binford
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Race Relations ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Martin Luther ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
James Baldwin ◽  
Popular Media ◽  
Malcolm X ◽  
Frequent Use ◽  
Martin Luther King

Artists, scholars, and popular media often describe James Baldwin as revolutionary, either for his written work or for his role in the civil rights movement. But what does it mean to be revolutionary? This article contends that thoughtlessly calling James Baldwin revolutionary obscures and erases the non-revolutionary strategies and approaches he employed in his contributions to the civil rights movement and to race relations as a whole. Frequent use of revolutionary as a synonym for “great” or “important” creates an association suggesting that all good things must be revolutionary, and that anything not revolutionary is insufficient, effectively erasing an entire spectrum of social and political engagement from view. Baldwin’s increasing relevance to our contemporary moment suggests that his non-revolutionary tactics are just as important as the revolutionary approaches employed by civil rights leaders such as Malcolm X or Martin Luther King, Jr.

Ways and Voices in the Psychoanalysis of Links According to Enrique Pichon-Rivière

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosa Jaitin
Keyword(s):  
Couple Therapy ◽  
Clinical Observation ◽  
Clinical Work ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Social ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Voice ◽  
Different Levels

This article covers several stages of the work of Pichon-Rivière. In the 1950s he introduced the hypothesis of "the link as a four way relationship" (of reciprocal love and hate) between the baby and the mother. Clinical work with psychosis and psychosomatic disorders prompted him to examine how mental illness arises; its areas of expression, the degree of symbolisation, and the different fields of clinical observation. From the 1960s onwards, his experience with groups and families led him to explore a second path leading to "the voices of the link"—the voice of the internal family sub-group, and the place of the social and cultural voice where the link develops. This brought him to the definition of the link as a "bi-corporal and tri-personal structure". The author brings together the different levels of the analysis of the link, using as a clinical example the process of a psychoanalytic couple therapy with second generation descendants of a genocide within the limits of the transferential and countertransferential field. Body language (the core of the transgenerational link) and the couple's absences and presence during sessions create a rhythm that gives rise to an illusion, ultimately transforming the intersubjective link between the partners in the couple and with the analyst.

Amnesia, aphasia and amnesty: the articulations of Italian colonial memory in postwar films (1946–1960)

Modern Italy ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Gianmarco Mancosu
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
World War ◽  
The Past ◽  
Politics And Culture ◽  
National Reconstruction ◽  
The Voice ◽  
Second World ◽  
Previous Scholarship

This article aims to expose the political and cultural processes that contributed to the eradication of problematic memories of the Italian colonial period during the national reconstruction following the Second World War. It offers a systematic examination of newsreels and documentaries about the Italian former colonies that were produced between 1946 and 1960, a film corpus that has largely been neglected by previous scholarship. The article first dissects the ambiguous political scenario that characterised the production of this footage through the study of original archival findings. The footage configured a particular form of self-exculpatory memory, which obstructed a thorough critique of the colonial period while articulating a new discourse about the future presence of Italy in the former colonies. This seems to be a case of aphasia rather than amnesia, insofar as the films addressed not an absence, but an inability to comprehend and articulate a critical discourse about the past. This aphasic configuration of colonial memories will be tackled through a close reading of the voice-over and commentary. In so doing, this work suggests that the footage actively contributed to spread un-problematised narratives and memories about the colonial period, whose results still infiltrate Italian contemporary society, politics and culture.

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