Iran: The state and terrorism in Iran

2019 ◽  
pp. 363-384
Author(s):  
Ali M. Ansari
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
State Policy ◽  
War On Terror ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Global War On Terror ◽  
The Us ◽  
Global War ◽  
The Impact

This paper discusses the role of 'terror' and 'terrorism' as an aspect of state policy in Iran during the twentieth century, looking at its historical context both within Qajar Iran and as an aspect of state policy during there French Revolution. The paper critically assesses Iranian state's relationship with the term, as both a perceived victim and perpetrator, and focusses on the application of political violence against both dissidents and political opponents where the term 'terror' is used in Persian as a synonym for assassination. The paper looks at the various justifications for the use of terror and political violence, the legacy of the Rushdie affair and the impact of the US led Global War on Terror on perceptions within Iran. 

scholarly journals Echoes of Terrorism in Today’s U.S. Classrooms

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-88
Author(s):  
Jeremy Stoddard
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Affective Response ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Media Representations ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
Global War On Terror ◽  
The Us ◽  
Teachers And Students ◽  
Global War ◽  
The Impact

Nearly 20 years after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on New York, Washington D.C., and Shanksville, PA there is a yearly ritual in a majority of US Schools. On the anniversary each year, teachers and students across the US learn about the attacks and memorialize the events. In many classrooms this is done through witnessing the events much like in 2001 for most of the world – through watching news or documentary footage of the events. In this article I use Hall’s concepts of encoding and decoding as well and socio-cultural theories to read these media representations both in the context of 2001 and again 20 years later to understand how these events are placed into broader narratives of US history. Many teachers today focus on the shock and horror of the events, an approach I argue is problematic as the affective response is emphasized over the historical context and consequences.  Instead of using these media to foster collective memory, they could instead be viewed as primary sources to inquire into the historical context of the events and response in the form of the Global War on Terror. This approach would allow students to better understand the events leading to the attacks and the impact that the resulting responses by the US and other Western nations have had on their lives and the lives of others around the globe (e.g., Islamaphobia). After 20 years of conflict after these attacks it is time to both remember the victims of 9/11 as well as understand why it happened and the global toll of the response.

War and Terror

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Avinash Paliwal
Keyword(s):  
War On Terror ◽  
Global War On Terror ◽  
Military Action ◽  
Global Trend ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Global War

The Taliban’s destruction of the Bamiyan Buddha in March 2001 outraged India (and the world). It killed any scope for conciliation with the Taliban. In this context, the US decision to take military action in Afghanistan after the 9/11 attacks was welcomed by many in India. However, Washington’s decision to undertake such action without UN approval (which came only in December 2001) sparked another round of debate between the partisans and the conciliators. As this chapter shows, the former were enthusiastic about supporting the US in its global war on terror, but the latter advocated caution given Washington’s willingness to partner with Islamabad. Despite the global trend to ‘fight terrorism’, the conciliators were successful in steering India away from getting involved in Afghanistan militarily.

Deterrence and Democracy

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard A. Falkenrath
Keyword(s):  
War On Terror ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Global War On Terror ◽  
Counter Terrorism ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The Us ◽  
Democratic Societies ◽  
Global War ◽  
Taking Action ◽  
The Given

This chapter examines strategy and deterrence and traces the shift from deterrence by ‘punishment’ to deterrence by ‘denial’ in Washington’s conduct of the Global War on Terror. The former rested on an assumption that the consequences of an action would serve as deterrents. The latter may carry messages of possible consequences, but these are delivered by taking action that removes the capabilities available to opponents – in the given context, the Islamist terrorists challenging the US. Both approaches rest on credibility, but are more complex in the realm of counter-terrorism, where the US authorities have no obvious ‘return to sender’ address and threats to punish have questionable credibility. In this context, denial offers a more realistic way of preventing terrorist attacks. Yet, the advanced means available to the US are deeply ethically problematic in liberal democratic societies. However, there would likely be even bigger questions if governments failed to act.

Living with Terrorism: Unimaginable Nightmare or Prospective Reality

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerome H. Kahan
Keyword(s):  
War On Terror ◽  
Al Qaeda ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
President Obama ◽  
Terrorist Organizations ◽  
Global War On Terror ◽  
Dangerous Situation ◽  
The Us ◽  
Terrorist Organization ◽  
Global War

Abstract Nine days after the transformational 9/11 attacks, President G.W. Bush proclaimed that the nation is fighting a Global War on Terror (GWOT), an attention-grabbing phrase designed as a rallying cry for America to win the battle against al Qaeda and other terrorist organizations threatening our homeland as well as our allies and interests abroad. Eight years later, President Obama inherited what had become an even more dangerous situation, which led to the unexpected and courage attack that felled bin Laden and splintered al Qaeda. However, this success was short-lived when the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) suddenly emerged as our primary terrorist adversary – a new and brutal threat that President Obama vowed to “degrade and ultimately destroy” by doing what it takes to win the war against this and other terrorist organizations. While there has been some progress in halting and reversing ISIS territorial gains with the US providing support to newly trained Iraqi forces, this terrorist organization is not fully contained and far from being destroyed.

The barbarians of Fallujah

Race & Class ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-36
Author(s):  
Matt Carr
Keyword(s):  
War On Terror ◽  
War Crimes ◽  
Moral Legitimacy ◽  
Moral Imperative ◽  
Global War On Terror ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Global War ◽  
The City

The `global war on terror' is often represented as a struggle between incompatible opposites, of good versus evil, terror versus democracy and civilisation versus barbarism. The deployment of such dichotomies was part of the background to the onslaught on Fallujah in 2004, serving to provide the US military with the appearance of moral legitimacy, as it turned the city to rubble in order to `save' it. In the US media, the arrogant assumption that the US is civilisationally superior both to the `barbarians' its armies were fighting in the city and to the broader mass of the Iraqi population, was a recurring theme among neo-conservative and pro-war liberal ideologues. Yet, with the city's destruction presented as a moral imperative on behalf of civilised values, there has been scant examination of the allegations that US forces were guilty of war crimes. Moreover, the attack on Fallujah shows that civilisation and barbarism are not diametrically opposed concepts in a `global war on terror' which continues to cause more death and destruction than the violence it is supposedly intended to eliminate.

Cyber Rebellion: Bradley Manning, WikiLeaks, and the Struggle to Break the Power of Secrecy in the Global War on Terror

2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 69-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yamuna Sangarasivam
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
War On Terror ◽  
Justice Department ◽  
Global War On Terror ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
The Us ◽  
Espionage Act ◽  
The Face ◽  
Spatio Temporal ◽  
Global War

AbstractFollowing the release of thousands of diplomatic cables which revealed the human rights abuses and networks of corruption that sustain the US-sponsored global war on terror, the US Justice Department has invoked the 1917 Espionage Act to indict both Bradley Manning, the US soldier who released the classified documents to WikiLeaks, and Julian Assange, the editor and publisher of WikiLeaks. While censorship serves as an economic signal, as Assange asserts, how does the torture and prosecution of Pvt. Bradley Manning serve as a cultural signal which reveals the ­lessons of a patriotism that promotes a dystopic democracy? This article examines the spatio-temporal predicament of secrecy, surveillance, and censorship in the face of cyber rebellion.

War on Terror – Armed Conflict with Al-Qaida?

2009 ◽  
Vol 78 (4) ◽  
pp. 499-511
Author(s):  
Marja Lehto
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
War On Terror ◽  
Policy Outcomes ◽  
Direct Link ◽  
Terrorist Threat ◽  
Global War On Terror ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Government ◽  
Legal Arguments ◽  
Global War

AbstractThe US government has recently renounced the term 'Global War on Terror', pointing out that it does not describeaccurately the nature of the terrorist threat. While the change of terminology is a welcomed development, it should be noted that 'War on Terror' was not merely a political slogan. The war paradigm was accompanied with a number of legal arguments and claims which have a direct link to the perplexing policy outcomes of the Bush era. One of the trickiest questions before the Obama administration is related to the concept of an armed conflict.

scholarly journals ‘Some more reliable than others’: Image management, donor perceptions and the Global War on Terror in East African diplomacy

2013 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Fisher
Keyword(s):  
War On Terror ◽  
International System ◽  
Management Strategies ◽  
Image Management ◽  
East African ◽  
Global War On Terror ◽  
International Image ◽  
Major Donor ◽  
Global War

ABSTRACTThis article explores the role of perceptions in donor-African relations and the extent to which donor ‘images’ of African governments can be managed by these same governments to their advantage. The article focuses on donor views of ‘reliability’ in the Global War on Terror (GWOT) and compares differing international perceptions of Kenya and Uganda through this lens. Arguing that donors have an exaggerated sense of Ugandan ‘compliance’ or reliability and Kenyan unreliability in fighting terrorism, it explains this by examining the two governments’ international ‘image management’ strategies, or lack thereof. The analysis contends that Uganda's success at promoting itself as a major donor ally in the GWOT, compared with Kenya's general reluctance to do the same, has played a significant role in building and bolstering these differing donor perceptions. This, the article suggests, raises important questions about the nature of African agency in the international system.

Abstract of Counter-Insurgency in the Philippines and the Global War on Terror. Examining the Dynamics of the Twenty-first Century Long Wars

2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-160
Author(s):  
Renato Cruz De Castro
Keyword(s):  
War On Terror ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
First Century ◽  
Global War On Terror ◽  
Low Intensity ◽  
The Third ◽  
Global War ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Structure And Functions

AbstractThis article examines how the global war on terror affects the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), particularly its long and continuous involvement in many wars of the third kind. It discusses the history and essence of counter-insurgency warfare or low-intensity conflict (LICs) in the Philippine setting. It then explores the impact of the global war on terror on the Philippine military's counter-insurgency campaigns and the current reforms in the Philippine defence establishment to end the insurgency problems. In conclusion, the article argues these reforms and the post-9/11 US security assistance will not significantly transform the AFP's structure and functions as it will be preoccupied with its anti-terrorist and counter-insurgency efforts indefinitely into the future.

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