Contested Ethnic Foodscapes: Survival, Appropriation, and Resistance in Gentrifying Immigrant Neighborhoods

2020 ◽  
pp. 59-80
Author(s):  
Pascale Joassart-Marcelli ◽  
Fernando J. Bosco
Author(s):  
Valerie Imbruce

Food equity includes the right to food that is cul­turally appropriate. Immigrant neighborhoods can be sites of contestation over who participates in the production, distribution, and consumption of food. Manhattan’s Chinatown is a good example of a neighborhood where food is central to its com­merce, cultural heritage, and reputation as a tourist destination. The coronavirus’ origin in China caused imme­diate material impact on Chinese restaurants and food purveyors in New York City as well as in other cities with major populations of Chinese people. Chinatown suffered disproportionate closures of its grocery stores, restaurants, and produce vendors due to COVID-19 as compared to other neighbor­hoods in NYC. The grassroots response to this crisis is a reminder that people have the power to use food to assert the society that they desire, to shape a highly contested urban space, and to claim their right to the city.


Author(s):  
Maud S. Mandel

This chapter discusses how migration and settlement in Marseille in the 1950s and early 1960s illustrates the impact of colonial legacies in shaping the contours of Muslim–Jewish relations in the metropole. While Paris remained the main pole of attraction for both, Marseille's close proximity to North Africa, its Mediterranean climate, and its expanding economy meant that the city attracted thousands of repatriates and immigrants in the 1950s and 1960s. Shared cultural frameworks and the common experiences of migration and displacement meant that Muslim and Jewish newcomers often had much in common, creating the basis for convivial exchange in the mixed immigrant neighborhoods where many initially settled. Such commonalities did not, however, ensure similar processes of incorporation into French urban life. Differing relationships to the French state and levels of communal development meant that incoming Jews often not only had more resources available to them than Muslims arriving in the same period but also benefited from a local administration sympathetic to their concerns.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karin Aguilar‐San Juan

Orange County, California, is a “postsuburban” region known for its sprawl and its cultural homogeneity. There, Vietnamese Americans have established a large commercial and residential district clearly marked by freeway signs, recognized by city government, and labeled the “Capital of Vietnamese America.” On the other hand, in Boston, Massachusetts, an old city known for its neighborhoods teeming with immigrants, Vietnamese Americans have had difficulty in establishing a distinct and identifiable place. Bostonians who are not Vietnamese may not know that Fields Corner is the city's “Vietnamese village.” Since Boston's Chinatown also contains Vietnamese, the distinction between Fields Corner and Chinatown can be blurry. Could it be that each community actually reverses the dynamics of place in each region—creating a strong, central place in a culturally homogenous and spatially decentralized post‐suburb, but failing to create a very strong place in an old city reputed for its immigrant neighborhoods? If so, a paradox appears. I identify the patterns involving community and place that have produced paradoxical outcomes in Orange County and Boston. I show that Vietnamese American leaders use place—as a site for interaction, as an anchor for identity, and as a symbol of belonging—to define and strengthen their communities. I argue that part of “becoming American” requires “staying Vietnamese,” and that place making is key to this process.


2006 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hilary Silver

Despite its highly visible physical reunification, Berlin has social fault lines that seriously challenge the city?s integration. This article reviews the multiple cleavages that crisscross Berlin?s social fabric and assesses whether and how these divides are being bridged. East-West, neighborhood, religious, national/ethnic, and socioeconomic fractures remain wide. Even the social construction of the city?s history and the embedding of collective memory in the built environment are occasions for division. Hopeful signs of increasing social integration, however, are found in the new memorials, creative multicultural forms, vibrant and diverse immigrant neighborhoods, ethnic intermarriage, and other indicators. Under conditions of severe fiscal crisis, policies such as housing renovation, the Social City Program, local nonprofit labor market initiatives, and expanded language instruction are among the deliberate attempts to promote social integration in the "New" Berlin.


2011 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-405 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Vicino ◽  
Bernadette Hanlon ◽  
John Rennie Short

Hypatia ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 384-390
Author(s):  
Celia T. Bardwell-Jones

In this essay, I reflect on the contradictions that arise from a personal experience of conflict with my father and the clash of traditional Filipino gender norms in the context of the practice of name changes within the institution of marriage and intersecting feminist critiques of patriarchy. My understanding of the Tagalog amor propio is self-love or self-pride within Filipino culture and signifies one's authority, place, and meaning in the community. As a concept of authority, amor propio encourages practices of respect toward the authority figure. In the context of the home, amor propio is attributed to the father, and members of the family ought to respect his amor propio. This essay examines my own conflicted relationship with my father and my attempts to navigate the complex terrain of amor propio, as a Filipina, feminist/peminist, dutiful daughter. Filipino immigrant families face distinct challenges within family life owing to globalization, colonialism, and racism, so I find Jane Addams's social ethics of filial relations helpful in framing the tension between individual and social claims within the specific cultural values expected of Filipina women as dutiful daughters. Addams's feminist social sensibilities in her work at Hull House were attuned to the plight of daughters and the conflicting claims of the family emergent within the crowded immigrant neighborhoods in Chicago. She was able to articulate and sympathetically understand the generational divide within immigrant families at Hull House and sought to bridge these differences within the context of the family. I reflect on her work in my own experience as a dutiful Filipina daughter.


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