Public Service Television and the Crisis of Content

Author(s):  
Jon Thoday

This chapter considers the threats faced by public service broadcasting (PSB). These threats come externally from market forces, from commercial adversaries chipping away to advance their own agendas, and from the political class with their concerns about bias. The BBC also faces the challenges common to all mature organisations: that of calcification and inertia consequent upon size and success. These attacks have not only had a real effect at the BBC but also on the wider industry with UK PSB content spend reduced by almost £1 billion in the space of a decade. Both management and government need to recognise that content must be re-prioritised. If this cannot be done, the industry must act to found a new organisation whose sole priority is the support of content.

Comunicar ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (25) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomás Pedroso-Herrera

The television has turned into the center of the reflections of the contemporary societies due to its presence and power. The political class from different countries has elaborated a series of documents that offer solutions to the problems raised by the use of the television. The Council of Europe in 1986 suggested in the document «The future of public service broadcasting» that the television had to serve for the democratic and cultural development of the Europeans. The French Senate elaborated another document («L'entrée dans the société of l'information») in 1996 in which it was warned that the television did not have to be ruled only by the market and that it had to be controlled for the state. The Spanish government entrusted a report («Informe para la reforma de los medios de comunicación de titularidad del estado») to several intellectual for the restructuring of the public audio-visual sector. The most important conclusion consists of the fact that the purpose of this sector is the public service that must not be measured up exclusively for the economic profit. La televisión se ha convertido en el gran referente social y cultural de las sociedades contemporáneas. Idolatrada y denostada a partes iguales, ocupa gran parte del tiempo de los ciudadanos de las sociedades avanzadas. No hay clase social o cultural que se sustraiga a la seducción de las imágenes y mediatiza la vida de adultos y jóvenes en la misma medida. Pero, incluso reconociendo todas las virtudes que este avance tecnológico tiene, la televisión se ha convertido en la caja de Pandora a la que todo el mundo culpa de la mayor parte de los males que aquejan a los ciudadanos. Intelectuales, filósofos, comunicólogos, profesores, sociólogos, padres y madres reflexionan sobre el poder de la televisión. Y las conclusiones a las que arriban son bien distintas. En una nueva versión de «apocalípticos» o «integrados» hay una frontera que separa a los que resaltan lo bueno del medio (sus posibilidades de conocer el mundo en directo, sus usos en educación, su capacidad para entretener y divertir…) y los que opinan que el conocimiento superficial, la incultura y el aburrimiento se introducen en el seno de las familias por medio de este ingenio tecnológico cada día más perfeccionado. La reflexión ha llegado hasta el punto de interesar a la clase política que ha percibido que debe dar respuesta a todos los interrogantes que plantean los ciudadanos: ¿Hay manipulación informativa en todas las televisiones (públicas y privadas)? ¿Es realmente necesario que existan televisiones públicas? ¿Cómo deben ser financiadas estas televisiones públicas? ¿Es necesario regular el sector o es preferible dejarlo según las necesidades del mercado? En este sentido ha habido en Europa dos interesantes intentos por regular (o no) la televisión. Así el Senado francés a finales de 2002 emitió un documento que era al mismo tiempo reflexión y advertencia: por un lado se indagaba en el peso que las nueva cultura de la información tenía sobre el ciudadano, haciendo especial hincapié en la televisión, y por otro se concluía que era necesario un cierto control que tuviera como consecuencia una televisión de calidad. De la misma manera en 2004, el gobierno de Rodríguez Zapatero reunió lo que se vino en llamar un «consejo de sabios» para que reflexionara y apuntara soluciones sobre el fenómeno televisivo. Sobre los contenidos de ambos documentos, sobre sus consejos y sobre las soluciones apuntadas trata la presente comunicación.


Author(s):  
Philip Schlesinger

This chapter illustrates how ‘most of the Holyrood political class has been reluctant to explore the boundaries between the devolved and the reserved’, even on less life-and-death issues such as broadcasting. Conversely, it also tells of at least one post-devolution success story for classic informal pre-devolution-style ‘Scottish lobbying’ in Westminster. Scotland is presently one of the UK's leading audiovisual production centres, with Glasgow as the linchpin. The capacity of the Scottish Parliament to debate questions of media concentration but also its incapacity to act legislatively has been observed. There are both political and economic calculations behind the refusal to devolve powers over the media via the Communications Act 2003. Ofcom now has a key role in policing the terms of trade for regional production that falls within a public service broadcaster's target across the UK. The BBC's position as the principal vehicle of public service broadcasting has come increasingly under question. The Gaelic Media Service set up under the Communications Act 2003 has a line of responsibility to Ofcom in London. Scottish Advisory Committee on Telecommunications (SACOT) determined four key regulatory issues needing future attention by Ofcom.


Journalism ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (8) ◽  
pp. 1149-1164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marko Milosavljević ◽  
Melita Poler

This article provides an in-depth analysis of public service broadcasters in seven countries of the Western Balkans from the perspective of capture by political and market forces. A lack of editorial independence, reflected in politically biased, pro-government news content, is the main problem of public service broadcasting in the region. Another factor is the commercialization of programs, reflected in the neglect of public interest content in favor of entertainment formats, and the introduction of sponsored content and product placement. Financial difficulties, small fragmented markets, minor languages, weak economies, market pressures from commercial broadcasters, inefficient license fee collection, pressure and interference from political elites, as well as characteristics of local political and journalistic culture are among the reasons that public service broadcasters in these post-communist countries currently display similar characteristics.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 206-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Harper

Peter Bowker and Laurie Borg's three-part television drama Occupation (2009) chronicles the experiences of three British soldiers involved in the 2003 invasion of Iraq. By means of an historically situated textual analysis, this article assesses how far the drama succeeds in presenting a progressive critique of the British military involvement in Iraq. It is argued that although Occupation devotes some narrative space to subaltern perspectives on Britain's military involvement in Iraq, the production – in contrast to some other British television dramas about the Iraq war – tends to privilege pro-war perspectives, elide Iraqi experiences of suffering, and, through the discursive strategy of ‘de-agentification’, obfuscate the extent of Western responsibility for the damage the war inflicted on Iraq and its population. Appearing six years after the beginning of a war whose prosecution provoked widespread public dissent, Occupation's political silences perhaps illustrate the BBC's difficulty in creating contestatory drama in what some have argued to be the conservative moment of post-Hutton public service broadcasting.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document