Behind the Times

Author(s):  
Mary Jean Corbett

Virginia Woolf, throughout her career as a novelist and critic, deliberately framed herself as a modern writer invested in literary tradition but not bound to its conventions; engaged with politics but not a propagandist; a woman of letters but not a “lady novelist.” As a result, Woolf ignored or disparaged most of the women writers of her parents' generation, leading feminist critics to position her primarily as a forward-thinking modernist who rejected a stultifying Victorian past. This book finds that Woolf did not dismiss this history as much as she boldly rewrote it. Exploring the connections between Woolf's immediate and extended family and the broader contexts of late-Victorian literary and political culture, the book emphasizes the ongoing significance of the previous generation's concerns and controversies to Woolf's considerable achievements. It rereads and revises Woolf's creative works, politics, and criticism in relation to women writers including the New Woman novelist Sarah Grand, the novelist and playwright Lucy Clifford, and the novelist and anti-suffragist Mary Augusta Ward. The book explores Woolf's attitudes to late-Victorian women's philanthropy, the social purity movement, and women's suffrage. Closely tracking the ways in which Woolf both followed and departed from these predecessors, the book complicates Woolf's identity as a modernist, her navigation of the literary marketplace, her ambivalence about literary professionalism and the mixing of art and politics, and the emergence of feminism as a persistent concern of her work.

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 153
Author(s):  
Isabel María García Conesa ◽  
Antonio Daniel Juan Rubio

Abstract: Traditionally, the role of women was confined to taking care of the family, and they had little or no voice outside that sphere. The intention was that they would bring up children, keep the home, and look after their husbands who were usually the bread-winners. Consequently, a thorough examination of life in the 1920s will provide a degree of perspective on how women could handle and manage the social advances of the times with regard to their free time activities. We will clearly focus on the efforts of such a group of women in order to get their own leisure activities in society. Therefore, what we should explore throughout this paper is the continuous struggle of women in the United States in the 1920s and the following steps they had to take over. By merely skimming through this article, the reader should gain an accurate and concise notion of what these women had to go through in that awkward period in the United States.Keywords: the new woman, flapper rebellion, social rebellion, spare time, modern woman, status of women. Título en español: Norteamericanas y ocio en la década de 1920Resumen: Tradicionalmente, el papel de la mujer en la sociedad se ha visto reducido al cuidado de la familia con escasa o ninguna repercusión fuera del ámbito doméstico. Se suponía que su papel correspondía al cuidado de los hijos y de sus maridos, y a mantener el hogar familiar. Sin embargo, un cuidadoso estudio de la vida en los años veinte nos proporcionará una amplia perspectiva sobre la manera en la que las mujeres manejaron los avances sociales de la época. Intentaremos dar un claro enfoque sobre los esfuerzos de dichas mujeres por obtener su reconocimiento social. Lo que se intentará demostrar será la continua batalla de las mujeres en los Estados Unidos en los años veinte, y todas las dificultades que tuvieron que sortear. Simplemente ojeando este artículo, el publico lector podrá obtener una visión concreta y precisa de la lucha de estas mujeres en esa época desenfrenada en la historia de los Estados Unidos.Palabras clave: la nueva mujer, la rebelión “flapper”, la rebelión social, tiempo libre y ocio, la mujer moderna, el estatus de la mujer.


Author(s):  
Shinyoung Kim

This article aims to explore the Japanese colonial government’s efforts to promote mass movements in Korea which rose suddenly and showed remarkable growth throughout the 1930s. It focuses on two Governor-Generals and the directors of the Education Bureau who created the Social Indoctrination movements under Governor-General Ugaki Kazushige in the early 1930s and the National Spiritual Mobilization Movement of Governor-General Minami Jirō in the late 1930s. The analysis covers their respective political motivations, ideological orientation, and organizational structure. It demonstrates that Ugaki, under the drive to integrate Korea with an economic bloc centered on Japan, adapted the traditional local practices of the colonized based on the claim of “Particularities of Korea,” whereas the second Sino-Japanese War led Minami to emphasize assimilation, utilizing the ideology of the extended-family to give colonial power more direct access to individuals as well as obscuring the unequal nature of the colonial relationship. It argues that the colonial government-led campaigns constituted a core ruling mechanism of Japanese imperialism in the 1930s.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 297-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian Hanna

Aside from the familiar story of Vorticists and Imagists before the war, no detailed analysis of manifestos in Britain (or Ireland) exists. It is true that, by 1914, there had been such an upsurge in manifesto writing that a review of BLAST in The Times (1 July 1914) began: ‘The art of the present day seems to be exhausting its energies in “manifestoes.”’ But after the brief fire ignited by the arrival of Italian Futurism died out, Britain again became a manifesto-free zone. Or did it? While a mania for the militant genre did not take hold in Britain and Ireland the same way it did in France, Italy, Germany, or Russia, the manifesto did enjoy a small but dedicated following that included Whistler, Wilde, and Yeats; Patrick Geddes and Hugh MacDiarmid; Wyndham Lewis and Ezra Pound; Dora Marsden and Virginia Woolf; and Auden, MacNeice, and Spender. Through these and other figures it is possible to trace the development of a manifesto tradition specific to Britain and Ireland.


Author(s):  
Miguel Alarcão

Textualizing the memory(ies) of physical and cultural encounter(s) between Self and Other, travel literature/writing often combines subjectivity with documental information which may prove relevant to better assess mentalities, everyday life and the social history of any given ‘timeplace’. That is the case with Growing up English. Memories of Portugal 1907-1930, by D. J. Baylis (née Bucknall), prefaced by Peter Mollet as “(…) a remarkably vivid and well written observation of the times expressed with humour and not little ‘carinho’. In all they make excellent reading especially for those of us interested in the recent past.” (Baylis: 2)


2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-198
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Bussiere

Sweeping across the social and political landscape of the northeastern United States during the late 1820s and early 1830s, the Antimasonic Party has earned a modest immortality as the first “third” party in American history. In pamphlets, speeches, sermons, protests, and other venues, Antimasons lambasted the fraternal order of Freemasonry as undemocratic, inegalitarian, and un-Christian, reviling it as a threat to the moral order and civic health of the Early Republic. Because they believed that the fraternal organization largely controlled all levels of government, antebellum Antimasons first created a social movement and then an independent political party. Even before the full emergence of modern mass democratic politics, Antimasons demonstrated the benefits of party organization, open national nominating conventions, and party platforms. Scholars with otherwise different perspectives on the “party period” tend to agree that Antimasonry had an important impact on what became the first true mass party organizations—the Jacksonian Democrats and the Whigs—and helped push the political culture in a more egalitarian and populist direction.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Tony McAleavy

Abstract As a child in Malmesbury, Thomas Hobbes had an opportunity to observe many of the social and political phenomena that he considered in his later work. Contemporary sources reveal that Hobbes lived in a community that was wracked by marked animosity between different social groups, frequent disorder and a lack of consensus about the legitimacy of local political institutions. There was tension between the town’s elite and a proletariat of impoverished workers. Different members of the elite clashed, sometimes violently, as they competed for local ascendancy. Hobbes’s extended family was heavily involved in these events. His hometown was deeply troubled. It was also a place where people had access to some “political” vocabulary which they used when describing their discontents and conflicts. The possible influence of Hobbes’s early experiences on his intellectual development has attracted little previous attention.


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