Trial by Jury as “Mockery of Justice”: Party Contention, Courtroom Corruption, and the Ironic Judicial Legacy of Antimasonry

2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-198
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Bussiere

Sweeping across the social and political landscape of the northeastern United States during the late 1820s and early 1830s, the Antimasonic Party has earned a modest immortality as the first “third” party in American history. In pamphlets, speeches, sermons, protests, and other venues, Antimasons lambasted the fraternal order of Freemasonry as undemocratic, inegalitarian, and un-Christian, reviling it as a threat to the moral order and civic health of the Early Republic. Because they believed that the fraternal organization largely controlled all levels of government, antebellum Antimasons first created a social movement and then an independent political party. Even before the full emergence of modern mass democratic politics, Antimasons demonstrated the benefits of party organization, open national nominating conventions, and party platforms. Scholars with otherwise different perspectives on the “party period” tend to agree that Antimasonry had an important impact on what became the first true mass party organizations—the Jacksonian Democrats and the Whigs—and helped push the political culture in a more egalitarian and populist direction.

2008 ◽  
pp. 2814-2829
Author(s):  
Robin L. Wakefield ◽  
Dwayne Whitten

Despite the fact that over half of U.S. residents are now online, Internet users hesitate to enter into transactions with e-retailers in the absence of certain assurances. Recent IS research shows that institution-based assurance structures, such as Web seals, are drivers of online trust. We extend the research in online trust to include the effect of third-party organization (TPO) credibility on both Internet users’ perceptions of assurance structures and purchase risk. Findings indicate that TPO credibility is positively related to the value that Internet users assign to assurance structures and negatively related to perceptions of purchase risk. Furthermore, perceptions of TPO credibility are strongly associated with users’ trusting attitudes toward the e-retailer. For some online consumers, trust may have less to do with privacy and security and more to do with the reputation of the TPO. These findings have important implications for the design of Web sites, the selection of assurance providers and services, and the reputation of both e-retailers and providers.


2008 ◽  
pp. 1637-1651 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin L. Wakefield ◽  
Dwayne Whitten

Despite the fact that over half of U.S. residents are now online, Internet users hesitate to enter into transactions with e-retailers in the absence of certain assurances. Recent IS research shows that institution-based assurance structures, such as Web seals, are drivers of online trust. We extend the research in online trust to include the effect of third-party organization (TPO) credibility on both Internet users’ perceptions of assurance structures and purchase risk. Findings indicate that TPO credibility is positively related to the value that Internet users assign to assurance structures and negatively related to perceptions of purchase risk. Furthermore, perceptions of TPO credibility are strongly associated with users’ trusting attitudes toward the e-retailer. For some online consumers, trust may have less to do with privacy and security and more to do with the reputation of the TPO. These findings have important implications for the design of Web sites, the selection of assurance providers and services, and the reputation of both e-retailers and providers.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 392-419 ◽  
Author(s):  
GLENDA GOODMAN

AbstractThis article investigates Revolutionary-era American political culture through contrafacta of the British anthem “God Save the King.” Before, during, and after the Revolution the tune was frequently set with new lyrics that addressed political topics. The formats through which the song circulated (it was disseminated widely in manuscript and print), shaped the meaning and reception of these various contrafacta. Tracking “God Save the King” through the eighteenth century reveals how the United States remained connected to Britain, even when the lyrics—and the goals of the Revolution—repudiated that bond. Song versions also provide a musical map of the fragmenting political landscape of the early Republic. Ultimately, the diversity of the formats and the song versions reveal the ambivalent relationship between postcolonial United States and Britain, as well as the diversity of political culture within the United States.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (19) ◽  
pp. 8072
Author(s):  
Bin Meng ◽  
Haibo Kuang ◽  
Erxuan Niu ◽  
Jing Li ◽  
Zhenhui Li

While promoting the global economy and trade, ports impose serious pollution on the global ocean and atmosphere. Therefore, the development of ports is restrained by the policies and measures of governments and international organizations used to cope with climate change and environmental protection. With the development of information technology, the operation and expansion of ports is facing forms of green and intelligent reform. This research aims to link the development of green intelligent ports, government policies, and third-party organizations to find the most suitable evolutionary path for the development of green intelligent ports. This paper assumes that governments will push ports to transform into green intelligent ports from the perspective of benefiting long-term interests, that the goal of ports is to maximize their profits, and that third-party organizations will actively promote the development of green intelligent ports. Based on these assumptions, this paper has established an evolutionary game theory model of “government–port–third-party organization” regarding the development of green intelligent ports. The Jacobian matrix of the game theory system was constructed by using the replicator dynamic equation, and local stability analysis was performed to obtain the equilibrium stability point of the entire system. This research reveals the limitations of the development of green intelligent ports without government involvement and explores the ability of third-party organizations to promote the implementation of policies, confirming the role of government regulation and control in promoting the development of green intelligent ports. This paper may be helpful for the development of green intelligent ports in the future. The results show that: (1) The main factors affecting the choice of port strategy are the benefits of building a green intelligent port, the intensity of government regulation, and the quantitative influence of third-party evaluation results on the port strategy selection. (2) Government decision-making plays an important role in port transformation. If the relevant government chooses the wrong strategy, then the transformation of the port will be delayed. (3) Government regulation and control need to change with the change of the evolution stage. (4) Compared with the macro-control policies of the government, the influence of the third-party organization on the port is significantly smaller.


1985 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 38-58
Author(s):  
Harold F. Bass ◽  
Andrew Westmoreland

Thirty-five years ago, V. 0. Key (1949: 183-204) ably surveyed the Arkansas political landscape. Since then, a number of observers have assessed subsequent developments (see Drummond, 1957; Yates, 1972; Ranchino, 1972; Bonds, 1974; Bass & DeVries, 1976: 87-106; Johnston, 1981; Johnston, 1983; and Lamis, forthcoming). This present consideration of parties and campaigns in contemporary Arkansas politics approaches the subject from three perspectives. The first associates shifting statewide electoral patterns since Key wrote with changes in the character of the state political party organizations he described. The second details the selection, tenure, and activity of the leaders of these organizations since 1970. The third addresses modern directions in campaign style and practice, with special reference to the role and status of party organization in the conduct of election campaigns. Major data sources include the above-mentioned analyses, contemporaneous journalistic accounts, and personal interviews with several party and campaign organization notables.


2008 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-40
Author(s):  
Vera Eccarius-Kelly

The article examines trends in voting preferences and voting behavior of Turkish-origin German voters. Despite only representing a small percentage of the total German electorate, Turkish-origin voters are gaining an opportunity to shape the future political landscape. While the Social Democrats have benefited most directly from the minority constituency so far, this author suggests that the Green Party is poised to attract the younger, better educated, and German-born segment of the Turkish-origin voters. All other dominant national parties have ignored this emerging voting bloc, and missed opportunities to appeal to Turkish-origin voters by disregarding community-specific interests. 


Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin

This book is an examination of Britain as a democratic society; what it means to describe it as such; and how we can attempt such an examination. The book does this via a number of ‘case-studies’ which approach the subject in different ways: J.M. Keynes and his analysis of British social structures; the political career of Harold Nicolson and his understanding of democratic politics; the novels of A.J. Cronin, especially The Citadel, and what they tell us about the definition of democracy in the interwar years. The book also investigates the evolution of the British party political system until the present day and attempts to suggest why it has become so apparently unstable. There are also two chapters on sport as representative of the British social system as a whole as well as the ways in which the British influenced the sporting systems of other countries. The book has a marked comparative theme, including one chapter which compares British and Australian political cultures and which shows British democracy in a somewhat different light from the one usually shone on it. The concluding chapter brings together the overall argument.


1997 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-38
Author(s):  
Douglass Sullivan-González

No clearer testimony evidenced the social upheaval and shifting political landscape in Guatemala in February 1838 than the graphic narrative by the traveling United States' diplomat, John Lloyd Stephens. Recently arrived in the capital for the first time, Stephens witnessed the insurrectionary triumph of the military caudillo, Rafael Carrera, and his “tumultuous mass of half-naked savages, men, women, and children, estimated at ten or twelve thousand.” Stephens described how Carrera's indigenous followers, upon entering the abandoned plaza and within earshot of the terrified white elite shouted “Long live religion and death to foreigners!” Carrera's political uprising incited by religious concerns had laid siege to the power structure inherited from colonial times.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 505-522 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Wojcik

Are the social networks of legislators affected more by their political parties or their personal traits? How does the party organization influence the tendency of members to work collectively on a day-to-day basis? In this paper, I explore the determinants of the relationships of legislators in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies. I use exponential random graph models to evaluate the relative influence of personal traits versus party influence in generating legislator relationships. Despite a focus on personalism in Brazil, the analysis reveals that the effects of political parties on tie formation are roughly equal to the effects of personal traits, suggesting that networks may make political parties much more cohesive than contemporary literature would lead us to believe.


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