The EU Policy vis-à-vis North Africa and the Middle East

2013 ◽  
Vol 2013 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Franco
Keyword(s):  
2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 757-825 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mehdi P. Amineh ◽  
Wina H. J. Crijns-Graus

euenergy policy objectives are directed at three highly interdependent areas: energy supply security, competitiveness and decarbonization to prevent climate change. In this paper, we focus on the issue of energy supply security. Security of energy supply for the immediate and medium-term future is a necessary condition in the current context of the global political economy for the survival of the Union and its component member states. Since the Lisbon Treaty entered into force, energy policy no longer comes onto the agenda of the European Commission through the backdoor of the common market, environment and competitiveness. The Treaty created a new legal basis for the internal energy market. However, securing external supplies as well as deciding the energy mix, remain matters of national prerogative, though within the constraints of other parts of eu’s legislation in force. Without a common defense policy, the highly import dependent Union and its members face external instability in the energy rich Arab Middle East and North Africa.Concern about energy security has been triggered by declining European energy production as well as the strain on global demand exerted by newly industrializing economies such as China and India and the Middle East, as well as the political instability in this reserve-rich part of the world. This paper explores the following two topics [1] the current situation and past trends in production, supply, demand and trade in energy in the eu, against the background of major changes in the last half decade and [2] threats to the security of the supply of oil and natural gas from import regions.Fossil fuel import dependence in the eu is expected to continue to increase in the coming two decades. As global trends show, and despite new fields in the Caspian region and the Eastern Mediterranean, conventional fossil oil and gas resources remain concentrated in fewer geopolitically unstable regions and countries (i.e. the Middle East and North Africa (mena) and the Caspian Region (cr) including Russia), while global demand for fossil energy is expected to substantially increase also within the energy rich Gulf countries. This combination directly impacts eu energy supply security. It should be noted that the trend towards higher levels of import dependence was not interrupted when the era of low energy prices, between 1980 and 2003, came to an end.Within the eu itself, domestic resistance to the development of unconventional resources is an obstacle to investment in unconventional sources in this part of the high-income world. This should therefore not put at risk investments in either renewables or alternative sources at home or conventional resources mainly in the Arab-Middle East.The situation is exacerbated by the spread of instability in the Arab-Middle Eastern countries. There are three domestic and geopolitical concerns to be taken into consideration:(1) In the Arab-Middle East, threats to eu energy supply security originate in the domestic regime of these countries. Almost all Arab resource-rich countries belong to a type ofpatrimonial, rentier-type of state-society relation. These regimes rely on rents from the exploitation of energy resources and the way in which rents are distributed.Regimes of this type are being challenged. Their economies show uneven economic development, centralized power structures, corruption and poverty at the bottom of the social hierarchy. The discrimination of females is a major obstacle to the development of the service sector. At present, even the monarchies fear the spread of violent conflict.Offshoots of these consequences have proven to cause civil unrest, exemplified by what optimists have called the ‘Arab Spring.’(2) The second concern is the domestic and global impact of Sovereign Wealth Funds (swfs) managed by Arab patrimonial rentier states. swfs have proven to be an asset in both developing and developed economies due to their ability to buffer the ‘Dutch Disease,’ and to encourage industrialization, economic diversification and eventually the development of civil society. In patrimonial states, however, swfs are affected by corruption and the diversion of funds away from long-term socioeconomic development to luxury consumption by political elites. In fact, Arab swfs underpin the persistence of the Arab patrimonial rentier state system.(3) Finally, the post-Cold War, me and cea geopolitical landscape is shifting. The emergence of China and other Asian economies has increased their presence in the Middle East due to a growing need for energy and the expansion of Asian markets. The recent discovery of energy resources in the us has led to speculation that there will be less us presence in the region. There would be a serious risk to eu energy security if emerging Asian economies were to increase their presence in the Middle East as us interests recede.


European View ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-234
Author(s):  
Jihan Chara

Over the past decades, the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council have emerged as the leaders of the Middle East and North Africa region. They have also proved to be the safest Arab allies for the EU due to their stability and prosperity, despite being the only regimes in the region whose leaders are not elected by universal direct suffrage. In recent months, Saudi Arabia, in particular, has been anxious to re-establish its leadership in the region through disruptive structural changes. Even though it remains difficult to make sense of these reforms, many analysts have speculated about their purported future relevance. This article argues that the changes undermine the social contract that has prevailed in the kingdom for decades, whereby citizens enjoy material comfort in exchange for their loyalty to the regime. Thus these changes threaten to destabilise the country, with potential lasting effects on the region and collateral consequences for Europe.


Author(s):  
József Kis-Benedek

Povzetek: Leta 2016 in predvsem 2017 so se na kriznih območjih Bližnjega vzhoda in Severne Afrike pojavile nekatere pozitivne spremembe. Spodbuden dogodek je bila uspešna akcija iraških in pešmerskih sil, ki jih podpira zahodna koalicija, proti tako imenovani Islamski državi, katere rezultat je bila izguba ozemlja ekstremističnih organizacij. Avtor analizira vidike kriznih območij, in sicer Iraka, Sirije in Libije, ki se nanašajo na posledice nerešenega vprašanja migrantov. Poleg kriznih območij predstavlja tudi situacijo tujih borcev in varnostna tveganja, ki jih povzroča njihova vrnitev v domovino. Navaja ukrepe, ki so jih sprejele EU in njene države članice, da bi preprečile in obvladale grožnjo, ki jo predstavlja vračanje tujih borcev. Ključne besede: Bližnji vzhod, Evropska unija, migracije, Sirija, Libija, tuji borci. Abstract: In 2016, but mainly in 2017 some positive changes happened in the crisis areas of the Middle East and North Africa. Encouraging event was the successful actions of Iraqi and Peshmerga forces supported by the western coalition against the so called Islamic State, the result is the loss of territory of the extremist organizations. The author analyzes the perspectives of the crisis areas, namely Iraq, Syria and Libya, referring to the effects of the unresolved migrant issue. Besides the two crisis zones, he also presents the situation of foreign fighters and the security risks posed by their return. He specifies the measures taken by the EU and its member states to avert and handle the threat represented by returning foreign fighters. Key words: Middle-East, European Union, migration, Syria, Libya, foreign fighters.


Subject Regional trade performance. Significance The fall in oil prices has renewed focus on the future of exports from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). However, export diversification and quality are low across the whole of the region's oil and non-oil exporting economies compared to other areas of the world. Impacts The GCC will negotiate more Free Trade Agreements to help protect against protectionist international trade policies. China will be the GCC's largest export market, but will attempt to reduce dependence on GCC petrochemicals. This will force greater efforts by the GCC to diversify its trade relations. North African exports will gain from an expected upturn in the EU, but will be vulnerable due to the concentration of their markets.


2015 ◽  
pp. 122-141
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Mizerska-Wrotkowska

The purpose of this article is to analyse the challenges for EU foreign policy in three of its geographical areas of interest, which I treat here as case studies: in North Africa, the Middle East and Latin America. The research challenge here is to answer the following questions: 1) How can the European Neighbourhood Policy be made more effective? 2) What lies behind the lack of consistency in EU policy towards the Arab states? 3) What are the challenges facing the European Union in North Africa? 4) What part does the European Union play in the Middle East peace process – and what part should it play? 5) What is the European Union’s role in resolving the crisis in Syria? 6) What are the limitations of EU policy in Latin America? The article undertakes a comparative analysis and is based on analysis and criticism of source material


Author(s):  
Andrii Martynov

The paper analyses the specifics of process of genesis and implementation of the EU policy in the Middle East. After the end of the “cold war”, the region has become the priority for eco-friendly, security and social and cultural interests of the EU member states. The problem of the Arab-Israeli reconciliation lies in the center of the Middle East policy of the EU. Thus, the models of peaceful settlement based on peace in exchange for land failed to have been implemented. The Palestinian question remains a marker of the effectiveness of the EU policy in the Middle East. The regional alignment of forces changed under the influence of the events of the “Arab Spring”. The war in Syria has challenged European security. The Middle East is now facing a protracted process of geopolitical transformation. The region remains an arena of geopolitical confrontation between the great powers: China, India, Russia, the USA and Japan. The complex regional hierarchy of forces is dynamic. The challenge for regional and global security is the Iranian nuclear program. The EU criticizes the administration of the US president, Donald Trump, who canceled the 2015 agreement with Iran on the development of peaceful nuclear energy. The purpose of the EU policy in the Middle East is to prevent the radicalization of political climate. This might help the EU to avoid terrorist threat and modernize the societies of the Muslim countries of the Middle East.


2020 ◽  
pp. 89-117
Author(s):  
Dennis Smith

The post-1945 European movement was partly moulded by the interests of American corporate business, which supported multi-party democracy managed in ways that maintained strong checks on its political rivals, especially Soviet-style state socialism. The EU maintained the historical European pattern of a rough balance between a loose framework of rules and cultural understandings and a diversity of politico-economic tendencies in different parts of the continent. This was possible because it was a relatively sheltered arena hemmed in both east and west by the supporting and containing walls provided by the two main Cold War players. Since 1989 the surrounding ‘outworks’ of the EU in North Africa, Central Eurasia, and the Middle East have substantially crumbled. The EU’s stability is buttressed by the integrated Eurozone which partially compensates for the decline of socio-political integration as EU membership has increased; and by the interlocking effect of cross-cutting rivalries and collaborations within the EU.


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