How to derive allomorphy: a case study from Czech

The paper discusses a three-way allomorphic pattern of neuter-gender stems in Czech. We argue that there are two surface alternations involved in the three-stem pattern, i.e. a-e and t-zero, and that the two alternations are driven by two distinct mechanisms, i.e. suppletion and regular phonological computation respectively. We postulate two suppletive stem-building suffixes that are lexically connected via the Nanosyntactic tool of pointers. We argue that the default a-initial suffix spells out the neuter gender and its suppletive e-initial variant is a portmanteau morpheme of the (neuter) gender and (singular) number. We further propose that the suppletive suffix is stored with a floating consonant that does not surface word-finally due to regular phonological computation.

Number-based noun classification

Nilo-Saharan languages are well-known for their complicated system of nominal number marking, which features a variety of singulative and plural affixes (Dimmendaal 2000). Even though these systems have received some attention in the typological literature, there has been limited theoretical work on their implications for the morphosyntax of number cross-linguistically. The goal of this paper is to fill this gap, by providing an analysis of nominal number morphology in Kipsigis (Nilotic, Kenya), based on data from original fieldwork. First, I show that singulatives in Kipsigis are true allomorphs of singular number, unlike singulatives with a classifier function in languages like Ojibwe (Mathieu 2012). The descriptive term ‘singulative’ is therefore misleading, as it corresponds to two very different types of morphemes. Second, I claim that the tripartite system of number marking of Kipsigis and other Nilo-Saharan languages is due to the classification of nouns into morphosyntactic classes defined by the presence of inherent number features on little n; the interaction of these features with interpretable number features on the functional projection Num (Ritter 1991 a.o.) in the post-syntactic component gives rise to the exponence pattern that we observe. Finally, my analysis corroborates the existence of noun classification based on number, which has only been argued for Kiowa-Tanoan before (Harbour 2007). The existence of three number classes in Kipsigis can only be explained by reference to bivalent number features; number-based noun classification systems thus strongly support the view that number features are bivalent and not privative, which is also argued by Harbour (2007, 2011) for Kiowa.

Semantics and function of imperative forms in the Altai language

The paper is devoted to the analysis of imperative forms of the Altai language. In the system of imperatives, we have identified 11 positive forms (=Ø=; CA=; =GÏn / =GÏŋ (rare); =(Ï)GAr / =AAR=; =SAgAr; =GÏlA; =SÏn; =AAK; =AAktAr; =y/AAlï: =y/AAlïk / =AAlïktAr (rare) and 10 negative (all form with a particle of negation, but the form on =GÏn / =GÏŋ). It is considered that the imperative has a complete paradigm in grammatical descriptions of the Siberian Turkic languages. In this regard, the Altai language has a particular position: the im-perative-Hortative of the 1st person unit number at =Aiyn is derived from the paradigm and referred to the indicators of the desired mood, i.e. the optative. A specific feature of the Altai imperative is the variety of forms of the 1st person non-singular number denoting two or more participants in the action. This type of imperative is defined as a call to action distinguishing between minimal and extended inclusiveness. For the first time in the Altai language, one can observe a grammatical opposition in time with two paradigms as in the Yakut language: “the imperative of the present tense” and “the imperative of the future tense.” The first group ex-presses the forms of 2nd dual numbers at =AAK / =AAktAr, and =AAlïk / =AAlïktAr; the se-cond group is form at =AAlï. Thus, it turns out that the lower the degree of flatness, the great-er the distance from the moment of speaking. The system of imperative forms includes the form of multiplicity on =GYLA with the value of a categorical imperative.

Evolution of Number Names in Modern Russian

The paper deals with the evolution of morphological forms and syntactic relations of numerals which give names to categories of numbers. The ways of formation of a number name тысяча / tysjatscha and its part-of-speech signs are illustrated with the texts taken from the Russian National Corpus. It's the first systematic description of transition of a noun into a number name regarded as a complex grammatical process – morphological unification of case forms (instrumental case тысячью / tysjatschju); substitution of countable noun government by coordination with it in every indirect case; loss of syntactic forms of gender and number (i.e. their ability to correlate with words in gender and number); loss of morphological forms of the plural number and their substitution by forms of the singular number; formation of compound numerals on the bases of the numeral тысяча / tysjatscha; signs of morphological separation of the number name тысяча / tysjatscha and the name of quantity. The development and grammatical adaptation of тысяча / tysjatscha in the line of numerals is reported to have taken long. The article presents a sequence of obtaining new features of the numerals. Evolution of numerals is presented as a relevant grammatical process that implements synthetic potential of the Russian language grammatical system.

Verbal Anti-Agreement with Non-Human DPs

This paper examines the unexpected verbal anti-agreement with non-human plural subjects in Standard Arabic. In this language, when the plural subject denotes non-humans, the verb fails to establish plural agreement with that subject. Non-human DPs refer to nominals which denote any animate life-form other than humans as well as all inanimate entities. In this paper, I provide two competing analyses to account for this phenomenon. In the first analysis, I build on the assumption (Mohammad, 2000) that preverbal subjects in this language are Topics and argue that the singular number marker on the anti-agreeing verb is the result of establishing partial agreement with the non-human subject in its base-position before movement/dislocation to TopP. In the second account, I borrow Corbett’s (2004) notion of ‘individuated nominals’ where it is assumed that plural nominals can either refer to collective individuals or distinct individuals; subsequently the intended referent dictates agreement on the verb. Hence, I argue that non-human plural subjects are collective nominals that are not individuated, therefore they are inherently singular and the plural marker in this case carries morphosyntactic information that does not affect the inherently imposed singular feature.

Proposal to modify Rule 10a of the International Code of Nomenclature of Prokaryotes

According to the current version of Rule 10a of the International Code of Nomenclature of Prokaryotes, the name of a genus or subgenus is a substantive, or an adjective used as a substantive, in the singular number. I propose modifying Rule 10a to specify that such names must be in the nominative case.