Bonaparte’s Expedition to Egypt and Syria (1798–1801) and His Policy towards Local Christians

Author(s):  
С.А. Кириллина ◽  
Д.Р. Жантиев

В статье рассматриваются основные аспекты политики французского военного командования в отношении христианских общин Османского Египта и Османской Сирии во время экспедиции Бонапарта (1798–1801 гг.). Особое внимание уделено замыслам Бонапарта и его преемников на посту главнокомандующего по привлечению египетских и сирийских христиан к сотрудничеству с французской оккупационной администрацией в качестве чиновников и солдат вспомогательных военных отрядов. Также в статье рассматривается французская пропаганда в сопоставлении с практическими действиями в отношении египетских коптов и сирийских христиан наряду с ответной реакцией со стороны как христианских общин, так и мусульманского большинства населения Османского Египта и Османской Сирии. Выявлены противоречия и двойственность политики Бонапарта и его преемников на посту главнокомандующего Восточной армии – Клебера и Мену в отношении местных христиан. Французское командование рассматривало восточных христиан как потенциальных союзников, но в то же время не решалось выражать к ним особые симпатии, поскольку подобные действия могли вызвать возмущение среди мусульманского большинства населения и создать впечатление, что французы ведут религиозную войну против ислама и мусульман. В статье сделан вывод о том, что эта непоследовательность стала одной из причин неудачи египетской экспедиции Бонапарта, когда французская армия в ходе военных действий в Египте и Сирии оказалась отрезанной от Франции и в то же время не могла пополнять свои ряды добровольцами из числа местных жителей. The article examines the main aspects of the policy of the French military command in relation to the Christian communities of Ottoman Egypt and Ottoman Syria during the expedition of Bonaparte (1798–1801). Particular attention is paid to the plans of Bonaparte and his successors as commander-in-chief to attract Egyptian and Syrian Christians to cooperate with the French occupation administration as officials and soldiers of auxiliary military units. The article also examines French propaganda in comparison with practical actions towards Egyptian Copts and Syrian Christians, and the response from both Christian communities and the Muslim majority of the population of Ottoman Egypt and Ottoman Syria. The contradictions and ambiguity of the policy of Bonaparte and his successors as commander-in-chief of the Eastern Army – Kleber and Menou towards local Christians are revealed. The French command considered Eastern Christians as potential allies, but at the same time did not dare to express special sympathy for them, since such actions could cause outrage among the Muslim majority of the population and create the impression that the French are waging a religious war against Islam and Muslims. The article concludes that this inconsistency was one of the reasons for the failure of Bonaparte's Egyptian expedition, when the French army was cut off from France during the hostilities in Egypt and Syria and at the same time could not replenish its ranks with volunteers from among the local residents.

2015 ◽  
Vol 51 ◽  
pp. 412-434
Author(s):  
Brian Stanley

Surveys of the historical relationship between Christianity and other faiths often suggest that through a process of theological enlightenment the churches have moved from crusade to cooperation and from diatribe to dialogue. This trajectory is most marked in studies of Christian-Muslim relations, overshadowed as they are by the legacy of the Crusades. Hugh Goddard’sA History of Christian-Muslim Relationsproceeds from a focus on the frequently confrontational inter-communal relations of earlier periods to attempts by Western theologians over the last two centuries to define a more irenic stance towards Islam.1 For liberal-minded Western Christians this is an attractive thesis: who would not wish to assert that we have left bigotry and antagonism behind, and moved on to stances of mutual respect and tolerance? However laudable the concern to promote harmonious intercommunal relations today, dangers arise from trawling the oceans of history in order to catch in our nets only those episodes that will be most morally edifying for the present. What Herbert Butterfield famously labelled ‘the Whig interpretation of history’ is not irrelevant to the history of interreligious relations. In this essay I shall use the experience of Christian communities in twentieth-century Egypt and Indonesia to argue that the determinative influences on Christian-Muslim relations in the modern world have not been the progressive liberalization of stances among academic theologians but rather the changing views taken by governments in Muslim majority states towards both their majority and minority religious communities. Questions of the balance of power, and of the territorial integrity of the state, have affected Christian Muslim relations more deeply than questions of religious truth and concerns for interreligious dialogue.


1950 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 533-548
Author(s):  
Edward L. Katzenbach

In a recent article in Le Monde, a military writer remarked that ‘A country has the army it merits.”1 The expression is an old one. For a hundred years at least, French politicians and French military personnel have been quoting one another to the effect that the army is but the reflection of the state. But in a democracy, the strength of an army is not so much a question of merit as one of desire, desire as expressed by the people through the votes of their representatives. Certainly, it has little or nothing to do with international necessity.


2003 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-136
Author(s):  
Magnus T. Bernhardsson

1n this interesting and well-researched book, Bruce Masters analyses the historyof Chris tian and Jewish communities in the Ottoman Empire's Arabprovinces and how they fared within a Muslim majority and hierarchy. Byand large, this important study is a story of modernization, identity, and ecclesiasticalpolitics that focuses primarily on Christian communities in Aleppo,Syria. The book's main themes are somewhat familiar: How Christian andJewish communities were in an advantageous position to benefit fromincreasing European influence in the Middle East, and how a secular politicalidentity (Arab nationalism) emerged in the Levant. The book's value liesnot in its overarching thesis, but rather in the details of the story and theimpressive research upon which this well-crafted narrative is based.Masters chronicles how the identities of Christians and Jews evolveddue to their increasing contact with western influences, or, as Masters labelsit, "intrusion." The status quo was forever transformed because manyChristians began to distance themselves, economically and socially, fromtheir Muslim neighbors. Masters, a historian who teaches at Connecticut'sWesleyan University, contends that the western intrusion altered Muslimattitudes toward native Christians. In the nineteenth century, local Christianswould serve for some Muslims as "convenient surrogates for the anger thatcould only rarely be expressed directly against the Europeans."Although the Arab provinces experienced serious sectarian strife in thenineteenth century, these antagonisms were, by and large, absent in the ...


Author(s):  
Vincent Joly

In Mali, as analyzed by Vincent Joly, military continuities led in 1961 to a real crisis. In January 1961 Modibo Keïta, the President of the independent country, enforced the evacuation of the remaining French troops. The worries of the Malian government had been intensified by French activities during the Algerian War and by French nuclear tests in the south of the Sahara. Under the pretext of Malian anger over French behaviour during the split of the Federation of Mali one year earlier, the government in Bamako – defender of increasingly ‘radical’ positions – gladly used this occasion to get rid of structures that effectively constituted a counterweight in the country. The new Malian political elite were particularly distrustful of the presence of the French military forces because French officials maintained close relations to army veterans and to the nomadic populations in the north of the country. Joly interprets the process leading to the 1961 crisis as characteristic of the complex decolonization processes, in which the French army had its own clients and networks in the now-independent countries.


2010 ◽  
Vol 69 (3) ◽  
pp. 723-748 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Herriman

Different methods of communication imply different social and political relations. Generally, mass media are distributed through centralized broadcast stations or presses and controlled by the elite. Face-to-face communications, which circulate through physically close contact between people, have more subversive potential. The author analyzes rumors spread in the press and by word of mouth during October and November 1998 in East Java, Indonesia. Conspirators and ninjas were suspected of killing many alleged sorcerers and persecuting the traditionalist Muslim majority. In response, local residents established guards against, attacked, and even killed suspected ninjas. Suspicion also was directed against the government, elites, and the armed forces. This subversive content is attributed to the interaction of two forms of communication: oral rumors became written rumors, and vice versa.


2018 ◽  
pp. 102-108
Author(s):  
T. V. Malynovska ◽  
B. V. Malynovsky

The purpose of the study is to find out the amount of losses inflicted in 1918 to the Ukrainian treasury and private individuals by Austro-Hungarian and German troops. The research is based on the data that had been collected by Hetman P. Skoropadsky`s Ukrainian Government. In 1918 the population of Ukraine was subjected to penalties by the troops of the Central States in Ukraine. The military units seized the property of the former tsarist army as military loot, requisitioned and confiscated property of the local population. In some cases, in this way the troops carried out orders of their military command about using of coercive measures in food procurement and protective actions conducting. In other cases, soldiers and officers acted according to their own initiative using their official position for enrichment and their benefit. Both cases contradicted Ukrainian laws and agreements about procedure of Central States troops staying in Ukraine. According to the hetman authorities, the most common violation of law was committed by withdrawal of food. Among the incidents related to foreign troops, the greatest damage was caused by explosions at ammunition depots in Kiev (6 of June, 1918) and Odessa (31st of August – 1st of September, 1918). Since the troops of the Central States were responsible for protection of ammunition in both Kiev and Odessa, they were responsible for the incident and for damage recovery. The Ukrainian authorities calculated that the total amount of losses that the Austro-Hungarian and German troops had inflicted to Ukraine in 1918 was 6 921 520 241 rubles (DM 7 690 578 046).


Vulcan ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-41
Author(s):  
Yoel Bergman

Newly found documents demonstrate that Alfred Nobel’s 1887 patented smokeless Ballistite gunpowder was tested by the French Army in 1889, yielding unimpressive results. This and other technical reasons were the basis for final 1889 French rejection rather than political motives, as claimed by Nobel, repeated by an influential 1962 biography, and echoed on a current Nobel website. Nobel offered Ballistite to the French military in late 1887, but was refused by 1888 since the French smokeless poudre B of 1884 was already employed and Ballistite was considered erosive and unsafe to produce. However, letters from French officials (and the intervention of the French Minister of War) confirm that Ballistite was indeed tested by the French military in 1889. Ballistic results in the 8 mm Lebel rifle were unfavorable and this seems the final technical reason for the rejection, rather than French interests in promoting their supposedly inferior propellant. This case study highlights the question of balance between technical and social history of military technology. The latter, examining social factors often ignored in various past military technological histories, have shown to shape inventions. In this case, though, the author of the influential Nobel biography has missed the complex technical history of the issue, relying on the personal and political for explaining the decisions.


2017 ◽  
pp. 84-106
Author(s):  
Nataliya Gorodnia

The paper studies the content and the matter of negotiations between the Directorate of the Ukrainian People’s Republic’s (the UNR) representatives and the allied (French) military command in Odessa, as well as the Entente nations’ leaders and diplomats in Paris in January-March of 1919. The author argues that a victory of the Entente nations in the Great War did not create a favorable environment for the foundation of an independent Ukrainian national state, for the victorious nations did not tolerate Russia’s disintegration. They did not recognize independence of Ukraine and had a negative attitude towards the Directorate. However, the latter’s control over the Ukrainian territory and its large and battle worthy army shaped a background for its engagement into the united front against bolshevism. During the negotiations in Odessa, the French military command offered a military support to the Directorate in exchange for protectorate of France over Ukraine for the period of war against Bolsheviks. The UNR representatives could hardly accept the terms, and the talks lasted for about two months. Meanwhile, the strategic situation in Ukraine had fundamentally changed. As soon as the Directorate has lost the territories it controlled and its army has been mostly dismissed, the Entente nations lost their interest in dealing with it. Instead, they focused on strengthening Poland and Romania to contain the Bolshevik expansion to the West. It is concluded that in January-March of 1919, the window of opportunities for Ukrainians existed to avoid Bolsheviks’ rule and to become a partner of victorious nations in containment of bolshevism. The cooperation could create other opportunities, especially if Soviet Russia survived. All along of the ineffectiveness and weakness of the regime of the Directorate, the historic chance has been lost.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 408-432
Author(s):  
Dörthe Engelcke

AbstractThe article comparatively maps state involvement in the establishment of filiation and the placement of destitute children into new families. It first reports findings from an expert survey that investigates four key areas of state involvement—the legal framework, the role of courts and ministries, guardianship regulations, and financial support and services for destitute children—across fourteen jurisdictions, twelve Muslim-majority countries, and two Muslim-minority countries. Overall, the placement of children into new families remains a sensitive issue because it is linked to different communities “claiming” the child. In principle, the states surveyed do not allow the creation of new families across religious lines. Using Jordan as a case study, the article then focuses on the implications of one particular survey finding: non-Muslims in Muslim-majority countries sometimes cannot have children placed into their homes. This finding is based on qualitative data collected in Jordan on adoption (tabannī) in the Greek Catholic community. The article argues that in settings of legal pluralism, state involvement affects different religious communities in different ways. In Jordan, due to structural factors, the state shapes Islamic family law differently than the family laws applied by Christian communities. This leads to the unequal development of different bodies of religious law and thereby to the unequal treatment of Muslim and Christian citizens.


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