Sexual harassment and organisational silencing in nursing: a cross-sectional study in Greece

ObjectiveThis study investigates the frequency of sexual harassment among female nurses in the Greek health system and the nurses’ reluctance to report their experiences.DesignCross-sectional study.SettingGreece.Participants1264 female nurses of working age across different settings responded to the Sexual Experiences Questionnaire (SEQ) web-based format between October 2020 and February 2021. The period investigated by the SEQ was the participant’s entire professional life. The final sample consisted of 1217 nurses with valid data on the frequency of sexually harassing behaviours (gender harassment, unwanted sexual attention, sexual coercion) and the reasons for not reporting sexual harassment.Main outcome measuresThe frequency of sexual harassment was measured in a 5-point Likert Scale (1: very often, 2: often, 3: occasionally, 4: rarely, 5: never), the decision to report/not report sexual harassment was measured in a yes/no format and the impact of sexual harassment on the physical, mental and job-related performance was measured in a 5-point Likert Scale (1: very positively, 2: positively, 3: moderately, 4: negatively, 5: very negatively).Results70% of the nurses have experienced sexual harassment at least once in their working lives, while the most frequent type is gender harassment. Male doctors are the most common perpetrators. T-tests and analysis of variance showed that private and younger nurses were more likely to experience sexual harassment while divorced nurses with 1–5 years of experience dealt with sexually coercive behaviours more frequently. 30% did not report sexual harassment because of the fear of negative consequences and beliefs that no action will be taken against the perpetrator. Multiple regression analyses showed that unwanted sexual attention and sexual coercion explain the victim’s physical and job-related adverse outcomes. Cronbach’s α was 0.939.ConclusionsThe results show that sexual harassment rates are high in the Greek health system, while many victims do not report their experiences to the authorities. This emphasises the need to implement drastic measures on behalf of the National Health Service (NHS) policy makers towards helping victims speak up without the fear of negative consequences. Nurse managers are called to implement effective policies against sexual harassment.

Sexual Harassment Experience, Gender Harassment and Body Objectification Effect on Disordered Eating Tendencies

Various research on sexual harassment and gender harassment confirms the adverse effects on a person's physical and emotional health (Shrier, 1990), but so far, little is known about the impact of sexual harassment and gender harassment on one's body objectification and links to disordered eating behavior. Sexual harassment and gender harassment are not only based on gender stereotypes but also play an essential role in supporting gender norms in society by regulating what is seen as acceptable and unacceptable behavior, and appearance for gender. According to the theory of body objectification (Fredrickson, Roberts, 1997), both forms of gender discrimination can induce attention to one's body and appearance, which ultimately can lead to reduced satisfaction of one's body (Szymanski et al. 2011). Since body dissatisfaction is one of the leading causes of eating disorders (Brechan, Kvalem, 2015; Cruz-Sáez et al. 2018), it is important to have a better understanding of sexual harassment and gender harassment relationship with body objectification and disordered eating behavior. The study aims to assess the relationships between sexual harassment and gender harassment experiences, body-objectification, and disordered eating behavior tendencies. 181 (23 males, 158 females) aged 18-38 (M=24.12) participated in this research. Sexual Harassment Experience Questionnaire (Fitzgerald et al. 1998) was used to measure both Unwanted Sexual Attention (Cronbach α – 0,893) and Quid Pro Quo sexual harassment (Cronbach α – 0,876), and Gender Harassment experience (Cronbach α – 0,868). Objectified Body Consciousness Scale (McKinley et al. 1996) was used to measure body objectification: Body Shame (Cronbach α – 0,825) and Body Surveillance (Cronbach α – 0,804). The Eating Attitudes Test (Garner et al. 1979) was used to evaluate disordered eating behavior tendencies: Dieting (Cronbach α – 0,924), Bulimia and Food Preoccupation (Cronbach α – 0,725) and Oral Control (Cronbach α – 0,714). The results revealed significant sexual harassment and gender harassment experience differences between genders showing that women report significantly higher results of all forms of sexual harassment and gender harassment than men. Data analysis also revealed a statistically significant relationship between higher results of sexual harassment, gender harassment experience, and more pronounced disordered eating tendencies and higher body objectification. Data analysis has shown that gender harassment experience is a significant prognostic factor for higher body surveillance and body shame results, more frequent dieting.

How Do People Perceive Sexual Harassment Targeting Transgender Women, Lesbians, and Straight Cisgender Women?

Third-party observers’ opinions affect how organizations handle sexual harassment. Prior research has focused on perceptions of sexual harassment targeting straight cisgender women. We examined how targets’ sexual orientation and gender identity impact these perceptions. In three preregistered studies, straight cisgender participants imagined a coworker confided that a male colleague had sexually harassed her. The target was a transgender woman, a lesbian woman, or a woman whose sexual orientation and gender identity were unspecified. In Study 1 (N=428), participants reported believing that sexual harassment targeting lesbians and women with unspecified identities was most likely motivated by attraction and power, whereas sexual harassment targeting transgender women was seen as most likely motivated by power and prejudice. Despite these differences in perceived motivation, in Study 2 (N=421) perceptions of appropriate consequences for the perpetrator did not vary based on the target’s identity. Study 3 (N=473) demonstrated that the specific behavior of which sexual harassment is assumed to consist differs based on the target’s identity. Whereas women with unspecified identities and lesbians were assumed to face stereotypical attraction-based harassment, transgender women were assumed to face gender harassment. Stereotypes about sexual harassment can bias third-party assumptions, invalidating experiences that do not match pervasive stereotypes.

Gaining Insight into Violence from Gender Stereotypes and Sexist Attitudes in the Context of Tourism

It is difficult to identify, but there is a type of harassment grounded in gender stereotyping in the context of tourism. It would be useful to discover the hidden relationships between gender harassment and certain beliefs about women as travellers, tourism professionals and sex objects in the field of hospitality. Methodologically, a survey was carried out reaching a sample of ±684 units by means of a convenience sampling procedure. The measuring instruments consisted of a structured questionnaire divided into two kinds of Likert beliefs scales comprising general statements and statements related to tourism. The survey respondent data were also gathered as regards sociodemographic characteristics. This paper presents empirical evidence to identify the causal factors of gender violence by considering general and particular stereotyping in tourism. Firstly, by performing three exploratory factor analyses, three female stereotyping dimensions were labelled in the field of tourism (occupational sexism, ambivalent sexist discrimination, and sex as a commodity), as well as three general prejudices about women (dysfunctional romantic relationships, ethically challenged presumptions, and aesthetical manners conventions) and the gender harassment factor. Secondly, a linear regression analysis was carried out to demonstrate that both general stereotyping related to a broader “life” framework and sectorial prejudices in tourism cause gender harassment. Finally, this research proves that general stereotyping determines sectorial prejudices in the field of tourism. The practical implications could be to enhance gender equality and combat gender harassment by revealing unintentional and unobserved prejudices that occur in a general life setting and in the tourism sphere against women as neglected professionals, under the subtle and ambivalent condition of travellers, and even as objects of consumption.