Varieties of Deliberation: Framing Plurality in Political CSR

This article argues that the concept of deliberation is construed too narrowly in political corporate social responsibility (CSR) and that a concept of deliberation for political CSR should err toward useful speech acts rather than reciprocity and charity. It draws from the political philosophy, labor relations, and business ethics literatures to outline a framework for an extended notion of deliberative engagement. The characters of deliberative behavior and deliberative environment are held to generate four modes of engagement: strategic deliberation, unitarist deliberation, pluralist deliberation, and deliberative activism. The article concludes by arguing that political CSR will be better positioned to realize its potential by moving away from primarily consensus-centered objectives to a more responsive range of deliberative goals and practice.

Political corporate social responsibility in authoritarian contexts

Political CSR emphasizes the need for the democratic governance of business conduct through public deliberation, and expects multinational enterprises (MNEs) to contribute to self-regulation and public goods provision to fill the gaps left by unwilling or unable governments. In the under-researched context of autocracies, however, political pluralism and participation are severely limited, which confronts MNEs with limited governance spaces for such activities. In this article, I deconstruct the assumptions on political–institutional context prevalent in political CSR and IB research on political and CSR activities of MNEs. Drawing on political science literature on state power and authoritarianism, I reconstruct political CSR in the political–institutional context of authoritarianism, using different autocracies across the globe as illustrative examples. I elucidate the boundaries and room for responsible business policies in autocracies drawing on a framework I developed that distinguishes between high- and low-capacity autocracies. My framework implies that MNEs face constraints in autocracies with regard to public deliberation and self-regulation, while there is considerable room for public goods provision. Finally, I explain why the normative desirability for the former two is high, whereas the normative desirability of public goods provision through MNEs in authoritarian contexts is lower given its implications for stabilization of autocratic rule.

Measuring Deliberative Attitude and Attributes in Political Corporate Social Responsibility

There are numerous calls for more empirical research in the study of political corporate social responsibility (PCSR). One of the important avenues in the process of deliberation in PCSR. Hence, this study aims to conceptualize, develop, and validate a scale that will be able to measure a person's deliberative attitude. The overall study has been divided into three studies. The first study aims to develop and assess the content validity of the measurement. The second study aims to purify the instrument through exploratory factor analysis (EFA). It is in this study that 14 indicators measuring three different constructs were identified. Besides the deliberative attitude, the indicators for measuring motivation and support on deliberation were also identified. The three constructs were then put through a construct and predictive validity assessment in study three. Findings from this study allowed researchers to explore a more complex model related to a person's or corporation's decision to participate in a deliberation.

Contesting extractivism: international business and people’s struggles against extractive industries

Purpose This paper aims to introduce the special issue “Extractivism and the Links between International Business and People’s Struggles,” which is part of our joint research efforts oriented to advance critical knowledge on the impacts and strategies of extractive transnational corporations and social struggles against them. Design/methodology/approach This paper presents and discusses contemporary aspects of extractivism and their impacts on nature and livelihood. In a second moment, it introduces and reflects on the four articles that compose the special issue “Extractivism and the Links between International Business and People’s Struggles”. Findings Extractivism is destructive of nature and livelihoods. As reaction to its destructive logic, millions of people have organized to struggle against extractivist projects around the world. The publication of this special issue is part of authors’ joint research efforts oriented to advance critical knowledge on the impacts and strategies of extractive corporations and social struggles against them. The lessons that the authors learned in their research and their experiences in these struggles were the key motivating factors that led them to organize this special issue, exploring radical alternatives to extractivism, alternatives that have as fundamental criterion the production and reproduction of life. Originality/value The value of this introduction is to present and discuss the four articles of the special issue “Extractivism and the Links between International Business and People’s Struggles,” which compose a rich mosaic of themes that emerge in the struggles against extractive projects worldwide, creating a relevant picture of the main defies imposed by extractivism and its negative impacts, from political corporate social responsibility to discourses, from relational ontology to the relations among state, corporations and social movements.

How do perceived CPA and political CSR interact in their relationships with citizens’ trust in companies?

Purpose In the context of an industrial complex where corporate political activity (CPA) and political corporate social responsibility (political CSR) are not related, this study aims to investigate the possible relationship between citizens’ perceptions of these two non-market strategies and residents’ trust in companies located in the industrial complex. Design/methodology/approach Data were collected from 740 citizens living near a petrochemical complex in Tarragona (Spain). The results were analysed using structural equation modelling. Findings Based on institutional theory, the key findings of the study are that CPA and political CSR are differently related to citizens’ trust in companies. The results also verify that the negative relationship (between CPA and trust) outweighs the positive one (between political CSR and trust). Practical implications The lack of fit between political CSR and CPA in the complex analysed suggests that firms are neglecting approaches shared by these non-market strategies, and thus wasting a huge opportunity to improve citizens’ trust in and acceptance of the complex firms. Moreover, the ethical dimension should always be present when these firms take on political responsibilities. Originality/value To date, CPA and political CSR have largely been dealt with separately in the literature. This study attempted to bridge this gap by examining a situation where there is no strategic relationship between CPA and political CSR to analyse, from the perspective of citizens’ perceptions, the relationship each strategy has with the important academic concept of citizens’ trust in companies.

S(t)imulating resistance: Corporate responses to the Trump presidency

This article contributes to the emergent field of corporate activism by exploring how corporate advertising voices, or is interpreted by the media as voicing, Trump resistance – that is, sympathy with anti-Trump protests and dismay at the politics of the White House incumbent. In so doing, we first situate corporate activism in relation to the more established fields of political corporate social responsibility and corporate social responsibility communication, focusing on discussions concerning the interplay between talk and action as well as the potential of talk to lead to action. On this basis, we propose a conceptual framework that posits talk and action as operating conjointly on the ontological plane of s(t)imulation, a conceptual conjunction of simulation and stimulation that is inspired by Baudrillard’s notion of the simulacrum. Empirically, we conduct a qualitative analysis of 20 examples of corporate advertising that has been reported as anti-Trump in the media. We find that the advertising in our sample is characterized by the following three main distinctions: (1) humorous references to Trump, (2) favourable and highly emotional appeals to social justice and (3) dystopian visions of society. We argue that a postmodern perspective on signs and representation may not only nuance our understanding of corporate activism, but also contribute to the conceptualization of the phenomenon by pushing the explanatory framework beyond the dialectic of talk and action.

Forget political corporate social responsibility

We argue that political corporate social responsibility (PCSR), while hailed by many as a solution to societal problems not dealt with by government, reflects both a triumph of neoliberal corporate power and a harbinger of democracy’s demise. Drawing on the remarkably PCSR-like – declarations of BlackRock CEO and billionaire Larry Fink, we demonstrate how scholarly PCSR is suspiciously compatible with corporate deregulation and privatisation of the public sphere. Our article recommends scholars abandon PCSR when critically evaluating corporate domination and democratic alternatives to it in the neoliberal era.