The minimal state in Ukraine as a progressive ideal of the historical criterion of the legal approach to the typology of the state: functional aspect

The article is devoted to the minimal state in Ukraine as a progressive ideal of the historical criterion of the legal approach to the typology of the state. The main attention, at the same time, is paid to features of its functioning. It is this type of state that must overcome the shortcomings of the state of the modern bureaucratic type. It seems that the need for its introduction in Ukraine is influenced by two factors: globalization and a significant increase in the role of civil society. At the same time, despite COVID-19, the processes of globalization have not decreased and the significant narrowing of state influence on economic processes, which is characteristic of globalization, is still continuing. As for civil society, in Ukraine it has gradually begun to realize itself as an important "player" within the country, which not only becomes more independent of the state, but also, to some extent, begins to influence it. Thus, the combination of globalization processes in the world and a powerful "burst" of selfconsciousness of domestic civil society necessitates the introduction in Ukraine of the concept of "minimal state", that is a state whose activities are aimed at implementing as few functions as possible. However, this type of state does not imply an anarchic ideal with its abolition at all. It seems that within the framework of a minimal state, the latter should be deprived of the functions it has assumed for a long historical period, leaving only the fiscal, the function of ensuring the safety of citizens from internal and external threats and the function of organizing work. At the same time, in the conditions of the minimal state the organization of works is transformed into the organization of realization of national and state projects when the state acts only as the coordinator and the financier of work which is carried out by numerous enterprises and corporations. As for the fiscal function, in our opinion, it should be somewhat transformed: the tax system should be enshrined in the principle of one tax, and the budget system should consist of three parts: "expenditure budget", "development budget" and "reserve budget". Regarding the security of citizens, society and the state from external and internal threats and dangers, such activities should take two forms: justice and law enforcement (security within the country) and war and peace (security outside the country). Thus, in the conditions of a minimal state, only the organization of national and state projects, budgetary and financial function, as well as ensuring the security of citizens, society and the state from external and internal threats and dangers should remain behind the latter.

Malygina, N. (2018). Andrey Platonov and literary Moscow: А. К. Voronsky, A. M. Gorky, В. А. Pilnyak, B. L. Pasternak, Artyom Vesyoly, S. F. Budantsev, V. S. Grossman. Moscow; St. Petersburg: Nestor-Istoriya. (In Russ.)

Malygina’s book portrays Andrey Platonov in the context of the literary period in which he was active. Malygina also summarizes the history of the journal Krasnaya Nov, the Krug Publishers, and the Pereval Group. While depicted as particularly close to Pilnyak due to his expressionist tendencies, Platonov, however, remained faithful to the utopian ideal of ‘proletarian literature’ and reserved tongue-incheek comments for Soviet literary aristocrats. Although a fi ce critic of Soviet reality, Platonov cherished his own ‘Soviet project’ – he envisaged a truly revolutionary, progressive ideal of a genuinely democratic nature. The literary period in question is shown to have a complex structure, unyielding to ideological abstractions.

Introduction

This chapter introduces the tension between liberalism and feminism. I begin by explaining how the ideal of gender equal sharing of caregiving and paid labor remains elusive. I then introduce the concept of liberal legitimacy, the ideal of mutual respect that it aspires to realize, and the neutrality constraint that systematizes that aspiration. One goal of the Introduction is to help readers begin to feel the pull of the guiding question: How can controversial progressive exercises of political power that aim to further a controversial progressive ideal of gender justice be made consistent with the liberal ideal of mutual respect? A second goal is to set the stage for the answer I will try to defend. I provide a brief outline of the rest of the book, define key terms, and explain my use of Rawls’s theory of political liberalism.

Risk vs Hazard and the Two Souls of EU Risk Regulation: A Reply to Ragnar Lofstedt

When called upon to regulate risk, the EU carries the threefold onus to (i) protect its people(s); (ii) ensure the functioning of the internal market; and also (iii) to allocate the resources available wisely and efficiently.This creates a number of pressures and dilemmas for the EU, notably for the Commission when initiating legislation and for the EP and the Council when co-legislating.According to a familiar script – faithfully narrated by Ragnar Lofstedt in his opening article –, the EU has, in recent years, been subscribing to a progressive ideal of regulation based on evidence. As a result, by making a commitment to the use of optimization tools, such as risk assessment and regulatory impact assessment, the EU has been gradually developing a European risk regulation model that seems to put the EU at the forefront of a wider move towards evidence-based policy-making. Given the historical affection of the EU integration process to technocratic modes of governance, this choice is not surprising.