Introduction

Author(s):  
Gina Schouten

This chapter introduces the tension between liberalism and feminism. I begin by explaining how the ideal of gender equal sharing of caregiving and paid labor remains elusive. I then introduce the concept of liberal legitimacy, the ideal of mutual respect that it aspires to realize, and the neutrality constraint that systematizes that aspiration. One goal of the Introduction is to help readers begin to feel the pull of the guiding question: How can controversial progressive exercises of political power that aim to further a controversial progressive ideal of gender justice be made consistent with the liberal ideal of mutual respect? A second goal is to set the stage for the answer I will try to defend. I provide a brief outline of the rest of the book, define key terms, and explain my use of Rawls’s theory of political liberalism.

Author(s):  
Gil Ben-Herut

Chapter 2 considers the multiple ways in which the characters of the Ragaḷegaḷu embody the ideal of worshiping Śiva and seeks to identify the constitutive and recognizable component that is shared among the various model devotees that populate the corpus. I argue in the chapter that such a component can be located in the interiority of the Bhakta figure, an interiority that is indicated in the Ragaḷegaḷu through a specific set of key terms, the element that is most clearly shared among the text’s bewildering variety of Śaiva characters with their different religious behaviors, and is expressed through actions that point to an uncompromising devotional stance.


Philosophy ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 93 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-210
Author(s):  
Christina Easton

AbstractSince 2014, British schools have been required to ‘actively promote’ the value of ‘mutual respect’ to the children in their care. This is relatively unproblematic: liberals are agreed that good citizenship education will involve teaching mutual respect. However, there is disagreement over how ‘respect’ should be understood and what it should imply for norms of respectful classroom discussion. Some political liberals have indicated that when engaging in discussion in the classroom, students should provide only neutral reasons to defend their views. This paper provides a number of arguments against this claim. For example, I argue that this norm relies on a distorted understanding of what it is to respect others and that it stifles the development of civic and epistemic virtue in the next generation of citizens. Even from within the perspective of political liberalism, there are good reasons to favour critical discussion of non-neutral reasons. Education policy should therefore accord greater priority to discussion of students’ actual motivating reasons than to discussion constrained by a norm of neutral discourse.


Author(s):  
Muhammad Nuruddeen

This paper explains the legal critical literature review in the critical context of the logic of scholarship. The paper asks what makes a critical literature review effective in research. It suggests that critical literature reviews are effective in research when they more easily allow the identification of research gaps, in the specified context. The methodology employs cumulative synthesis from the relevant materials, following Bentham’s ideas on synthesis, that analysis opposes both generalization and synthesis. The paper begins its argument by outlining the nature of a critical literature review. Then, it proceeds with a review of key terms required by the writer. Following this essential background, the paper discusses literature gaps and literature search methodologies. Then it moves on to the ideal format of a critical literature review. Finally, argument deals with the purpose of a critical literature review and techniques for writing the critical literature review. A legal critical literature review will be maximally effective when it sets a correct context for research, identifies fallacies in the scholarship in order to discover research gaps, and then forms this outcome into a central research question. Keywords: legal critical literature review, research gaps, fallacies, research question.


HUMANIKA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-30
Author(s):  
Mohamad Ikrom

Islam membawa ajaran luhur dan ideal bersumber dari Allah dengan konsep Alqur’andan teladan implementasi oleh rasulullah khususnya dalam mengangkat derajat perempuanyang secara historis termarjinalisasi kederajat yang setara dan bahkan terkesan lebihdimuliakan. Konsep ideal islam tentang gender terbiaskan karena dua hal: pertama,pemahaman terhadap sumber hukum yang bersifat tekstual dan dogmatis. Kedua, perolehanpemahan umat islam dari mubalig yang terkesan patriarkis dan memarjinalkan perempuandalam materinya. Sehingga mengembalikan umat islam pada bias gender pada era jahiliyahsebelum datangnya islam yang patriarkis dan memarjinalkan perempuan.Hukum yang dibuat pemerintah Indonesia dari pusat sampai tingkat peraturan desadianggap tidak mensejahterakan perempuan, malah terkesan tidak ramah terhadap perempuan.Hal ini dapat dilihat dari indikator yang dipakai hukum tersebut bersifat simbolistik daneksploitasi tubuh wanita, seperti kewajiban menutup aurat, kewajiban berjilbab, bekerja padawilayah yang tertutup, sehingga perlu rekonstruksi kembali hukum Islam yangmensejahterakan dan berkeadilan. Rekonstruksi pemikiran hukum Islam dapat mengunakanbeberapa prinsip sebagai berikut: Prinsip Maqashid al-Syari`ah, Prinsip Relativitas Fiqh,Prinsip Tafsir Tematik, Prinsip Kemaslahatan (al-Maslahat), Prinsip Kesetaraan dan KeadilanGender (al-Musawah al-Jinsiyah), Prinsip Pluralitas (al-Ta`addudiyyah), Prinsip Nasionalitas(al-Muwathanah),, Prinsip Penegakan HAM (Iqamat al-Huquq al-Insaniyah), PrinsipDemokrasi (al-Dimuqrathiyyah)Islam brings noble and ideal teachings sourced from God with the concept of the Qur'anand the example of implementation by the messenger of Allah in particular in raising the rankof women who have historically been marginalized to equal degrees and even seem moreglorified. The ideal Islamic concept of gender is refracted because of two things: first,understanding of textual and dogmatic sources of law. Second, the acquisition of Muslimsfrom the preachers who seemed patriarchal and and seemed to marginalize women in terms ofmaterial, so that returning the Muslims to gender bias in the era of ignorance before the arrivalof patriarchal Islam and marginalizing women.Laws made by the Indonesian government from the center to the level of villageregulations are deemed not to prosper women, instead they seem unfriendly to women. Thiscan be seen from the indicators used by the law that are symbolic and exploit the body of women, such as the obligation to cover the genitals, the obligation to veil, work in a closedarea, so that the reconstruction of Islamic law is prosperous and just. Reconstruction ofIslamic legal thought can use several principles as follows: Maqashid al-Shari'ah Principle,Principles of Fiqh Relativity, Thematic Interpretation Principles, Principles of Benefit (al-Maslahat), Principles of Equality and Gender Justice (al-Musawah al-Jinsiyah), PrinciplesPlurality (al-Ta`addudiyyah), Principles of Nationality (al-Muwathanah) ,, Principles ofHuman Rights Enforcement (Iqamat al-Huquq al-Insaniyah), Principles of Democracy (al-Dimuqrathiyyah)


Focaal ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 2016 (76) ◽  
pp. 46-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolas Jaoul

B. R. Ambedkar (1891–1956) advocated the religious conversion of Dalits to Navayana Buddhism as the pillar of the future struggle against caste. This article examines the implications of this turn to religion for the Dalit movement. As shown by its convergence with Marx’s critique of bourgeois citizenship, Navayana exceeds the framework of political liberalism. It is argued, though, that Navayana is neither an orientalized version of liberal politics, nor is it fully contained by Marxism. The ethnography highlights the revival of Navayana in the 1990s in a context of disillusion with institutional politics. With the rise to political power of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in this period, Uttar Pradesh emerged as the new center of Dalit politics. However, the BSP government also disappointed many former activists, who then turned to the Navayana movement. What spaces and possibilities did Navayana open up to further the task of Dalit emancipation that political power failed to achieve? The ethnography highlights the Navayana movement’s practical difficulties and dilemmas, caused by its being advocated and practiced by secular minded activists hostile to popular religiosity.


1966 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond H. Pulley

Juan Bautista Alberdi belonged to a generation of Argentines fervently dedicated to the ideal of lifting the Río de la Plata out of the internal chaos which had delayed national consolidation and economic growth since the time of independence. In his Bases y puntos de partida para la organización política de la república argentina, published in 1852, Alberdi asserted that only the railroad could effect the long awaited unification of the Argentine people. He stated: “Without the railroad political unity cannot be had in a country where distance makes central political power impossible.” “Political unity,” Alberdi added, “can only be begun through territorial unity, and only the railroad can make places separated by five hundred leagues a unified country.”


2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helga Varden

In this paper, I present and defend Kant's non-voluntarist conception of political obligations. I argue that civil society is not primarily a prudential requirement for justice; it is not merely a necessary evil or a moral response to combat our corrupting nature or our tendency to act viciously, thoughtlessly or in a biased manner. Rather, civil society is constitutive of rightful relations among persons because only in civil society can we interact in ways reconcilable with each person's innate right to freedom. Civil society is the means through which we can rightfully interact even on the ideal assumption that no one ever succumbs to immoral temptation. Kant's account, therefore, provides ideal reasons to support the claim that voluntarism cannot be the liberal ideal of political obligations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 187-216
Author(s):  
David Brian Howard

Abstract According to Giorgio Agamben, the Greek term for ‘habitual dwelling place,’ or ‘habit,’ is ethos. The rise to prominence in the twentieth century of the modern idea of the suburb, or ‘suburbia,’ held open the door to the potential realization of the American (and Canadian) dream ethos of universal home ownership. The tantalizing appeal of a the ideal of ‘home’ and ‘homeland’ have become key terms in the Post World War Two pursuit of a mode of ‘dwelling’ linked to consumer capitalism. Yet for Frankfurt School critics such as Theodor W. Adorno, the pursuit of this suburban ideal induced a deep sense of ennui such that to feel ‘at home’ in such a suburban environment challenged the very foundations of the dwelling place of Western civilization. “It is part of morality,” Adorno concluded in his book, Minima Moralia, “not to be at home in one’s home.” This text is an exercise in examining this question of “dwelling” and “home” through an allegorical poetical focus (drawn from Walter Benjamin and Charles Baudelaire) focusing on a newly completed suburb in the Canadian city of Halifax, Nova Scotia.


2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Muhammad Mona Adha

Pluralism in Indonesia is a wealth of experience to the citizens to be able to coexist in harmony. The main value of mutual respect and love between people is an important concern in Indonesia in the future to build a more cultured. Discourse of "global village" is a part of life's internalization structure that should be able to be adapted as a process of modern life in the era of globalization. Values ​​corresponding to the ideal conception of Indonesian culture can be developed that do not fade due process undertaken transnational citizens in generating diversity. Education, understanding, pluralistic, and democratic become an absolute key to contribute in teaching the people to live in harmony in unity and unity.


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