ideological difference
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2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suvojit Bandopadhyaya

<p>This paper discusses the ideological differences between the Islamic State (IS) and Al Qaeda (AQ) and their differential media strategies that were existing from 2014 to 2017. This paper emphasises the interpretation of Qutbism and the unification of Ummah which led to the divide and disintegration of AQ of Iraq later becoming IS. This ideological difference emanates from practice and theological understanding of Salafism by IS and AQ and perception of the near and far enemy by both the terrorist organizations. Both terrorist organizations’ ideological doctrines are also influenced by the use of information and communication technologies catering to their respective audience. Considering the ideological differences and differences in IS and AQ media strategies, this paper proposes counter-terrorism strategies to fight IS and AQ online propaganda.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suvojit Bandopadhyaya

<p>This paper discusses the ideological differences between the Islamic State (IS) and Al Qaeda (AQ) and their differential media strategies that were existing from 2014 to 2017. This paper emphasises the interpretation of Qutbism and the unification of Ummah which led to the divide and disintegration of AQ of Iraq later becoming IS. This ideological difference emanates from practice and theological understanding of Salafism by IS and AQ and perception of the near and far enemy by both the terrorist organizations. Both terrorist organizations’ ideological doctrines are also influenced by the use of information and communication technologies catering to their respective audience. Considering the ideological differences and differences in IS and AQ media strategies, this paper proposes counter-terrorism strategies to fight IS and AQ online propaganda.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 96-103
Author(s):  
Maria A. Myakinchenko

The article is devoted to the study of literary and biographical connections between the collision of Ivan Goncharov's first novel “A Common Story” and the conflict between Fyodor Dostoevsky and his guardian Pyotr Karepin. Analysing biographical materials, the author hypothesises that Fyodor Dostoevsky, meeting with Ivan Goncharov, while the latter was working on “A Common Story”, could partly influence the creation of the main collision and central images of the novel. Noting the plot and figurative convergence, the author of the article also shows the ideological difference between Ivan Goncharov and Fyodor Dostoevsky in the presentation of the conflict between uncle and nephew – two different minds, worldviews and representatives of two different generations. The author of the work presents significant and interesting correspondences between the life and creative paths of Ivan Goncharov and Fyodor Dostoevsky, noting the similar literary influences experienced by both writers, and also points to salons and literary circles where they could meet.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 576-593 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matteo Giglioli ◽  
Gianfranco Baldini

The article explores a key aspect in the development of contemporary European populist parties: the celebrity dynamics of their leadership. It presents a systematic comparison of leaders from the main populist parties, exploring the correlation between leadership visibility, fame, and the ideological and organisational characteristics of parties. Furthermore, it investigates the subset of leaders whose public notoriety predates their political involvement, with a view to establishing how they balance the demands of political responsibility and authenticity of character, both in terms of organisational control and communicative strategy. Analytically, the study helps illuminate the mechanisms through which populist parties adapt to participation in the political game while continuing to mark their ideological difference. Empirically, the findings highlight the uniqueness of an outlier case, Beppe Grillo’s leadership of Italy’s Five-Star Movement, in which celebrity is leveraged into a kingmaker role, while still retaining the public persona of an outside observer.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 193
Author(s):  
Fita Fathurokhmah

This article wants to examine how the media ideology about the concept of radicalism in Islam in the mass media of Republika and Koran Tempo. The Republika newspaper supports and agrees to the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) both with an understanding of the prohibition of homosexuality and the appointment of news of FPI's violence against homosexuals. The Tempo newspaper is more about renewing ideas such as reporting on the views of the Liberal Islam Network (JIL) in respect of homosexuals. Homosexuality is the same sex lover or the choice of sexuality abnormalities is normal as a human being, it does not need to be criticized but must be respected as individual freedom. There is a fundamental ideological difference between Republika and Koran Tempo by renewing the concept of homosexuality with thinking radicalism on the basis of Islamic teachings. The homosexual issue, FPI applies the meaning of Islamic radicalism from the right-wing side which promotes violence as resistance, while JIL applies the meaning of radicalism from the left-wing side which prioritizes the radicalism of thought and law in the Koran.  AbstrakArtikel ini ingin mengkaji bagaimana ideologi media tentang konsep radikalisme dalam Islam di media massa Republika dan Koran Tempo. Surat kabar Republika mendukung dan setuju pada Front Pembela Islam (FPI) baik dengan pemahaman pelarangan homoseksual dan pengangkatan berita tindak kekerasan FPI melawan homoseksual. Koran Tempo lebih pada pembaharuan pemikiran seperti pemberitaan pandangan Jaringan Islam Liberal (JIL) terkait menghormatinya kaum homoseksual. Homoseksual adalah penyuka sesama jenis atau pilihan kelainan seksualitas itu normal sebagai manusia, tidak perlu dicela tapi harus dihargai sebagai kebebasan individu. Terdapat perbedaan ideologi yang mendasar antara Republika dan Koran Tempo dengan melakukan pembaharuan konsep homoseksual dengan radikalisme berpikir dengan pijakan ajaran Islam. Persoalan homoseksual, FPI menerapkan makna radikalisme Islam dari sisi sayap kanan yang mengedepankan kekerasan sebagai perlawanan, sedangkan JIL menerapkan makna radikalisme dari sisi sayap kiri yang mengutamakan keradikalan pemikiran dan hukum dalam al-Quran.


2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 322-341
Author(s):  
Margarida Vale de Gato

This article is a first-person account of the translation ofLolitainto Portuguese dealing primarily with the question of how to treat English as a source language that should be replaced by the translating language. The novel foregrounds the narrator’s stridency as a non-“native illusionist” (Nabokov 1955/1991: 317), along with a heterolingual bend, presenting remarkable challenges for translation: how to represent the geopolitics of linguistic hybridity in the TT and how to maintain the ambiguity of alignments between (implied) reader(s), author(s) and competing instances of narratorial authority, including the “fictional translator” (Klinger 2015: 16).Selective non-translationis suggested as an option for addressing linguistic hybridity through which, in this context, the “differential voice(s)” (Hermans 2007; Suchet: 2013) might foreground linguistic (and hence cultural/ideological) difference and deviation. The adherence to a strategy of “overt translation” (House 2001) is not intended to break the “translator’s pact” (Alvstad: 2014); it refuses, however, the convention of transparency as one of its tenets. It also shifts the focus from phonocentric authority to a polyphonous palimpsest and an archaeology of language(s) – not an entrenched foreignization, but an availability for “other-languagedness” (Bakhtin: 1981).


2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 205-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
NATHANIËL KUNKELER

AbstractGeneric fascism scholarship, which has turned strongly towards cultural political history in recent years, has focused heavily on themes of rebirth in fascist culture, but rebirth's counterpart of decline remains under-researched. After emphasizing the existence of several distinct and even mutually exclusive ideological strands in the NSB, this article shows how ideological difference was marked by narratives of decline. But they were equally used to generate a coherent political message about the contemporary state of the Netherlands. Central to their functionality as a unifying tool was party newspaper Volk en Vaderland, which served to promote a patriotic, news-focused, and peculiarly Dutch narrative of decline that overarched ideological difference. Yet more than just tying ends together, one narrative in particular served as a crucial ideological constant in the Movement, namely the Leider Anton Mussert's narrative of decline since the early modern Golden Age of the Dutch Republic, which tied traditional liberal patriotic themes into fascist discourse. Where other historians have emphasized Mussert's lack of moral and ideological leadership, the article impresses how narratives of decline functioned as moral support, and rallied NSB loyalists throughout the German occupation of the Netherlands, until Mussert's own death.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martha Sif Karrebæk ◽  
Narges Ghandchi

Abstract This paper engages with ideological difference, education, and expressions of insecurity on the basis of a year-long ethnographic fieldwork in two Farsi heritage language classrooms and the group of Iranian immigrants organized around these classrooms in Copenhagen, Denmark. We show how insecurity and surveillance gave meaning to different space-times, or chronotopes (Bakhtin 1981), evoked by the participants, and to the understandings of community. The contemporary state of Iran and political and religious ideologies associated with this were subject to taboo in class but not necessarily elsewhere. We argue that this partly motivated the structure and content of the classroom, as the teacher tried to create a neutral space for children whose parents’ ideological backgrounds were potentially incompatible. This could liberate the children from their parents’ anxieties and it made the teacher’s job less vulnerable. Linguistic Ethnography (Rampton 2007) is the analytic framework of the paper.


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