Robert Owenson’s macaronic song repertoire and the Dublin theatre audience of the late eighteenth century

This article argues that Robert Owenson’s bilingual song repertoire represents an urban strain of the Irish macaronic tradition which developed over the course of the eighteenth century as Irish-speaking poets and song composers responded to a public that was increasingly diglossic. In Owenson’s case, this repertoire was formed from the crossings between songs and tunes from the Irish-speaking area where this performer grew up, and those that came out of the playhouses, taverns, and streets of Dublin, the city where he spent his twenty-year Irish stage career. The article also explores the politics of these songs and the Dublin audience’s shifting response to their performance. While Owenson’s songs were enthusiastically received in the years leading up to 1782, a period dominated politically by the patriots and the Volunteers, they provoked a reactionary backlash in the later 1780s and 1790s when Dublin’s radical element began claiming them as their own.

Ottawa extends terrorist entity list to neo-fascists

Significance Some MPs called for this action in the wake of the storming of the US Capitol last month, but the move has been considered for some time following concerns about extremism within the military. Impacts The growth of extremism is linked to a growing divide between conservative white rural areas and cosmopolitan cities. Separatist sentiment in the western provinces may develop a newly radical element from links to extremism. The business sector may face some disruption from an increase in protests and demonstrations. Canada’s reputation for welcoming immigrants could be damaged if there are high-profile incidents involving white supremacists.

MEDIA SOSIAL INSTAGRAM SEBAGAI SARANA JIHAD

This paper aims at proposing an understanding of the forms of jihad found on Instagram social media. Seeing social media is the current communication trend with rapid development and utilization. One popular social media is Instagram. Instagram can be a means of jihad and alternative propaganda in da'wah. The method used in this article is descriptive qualitative by analyzing the content in posts and caption writing on social media Instagram. The contribution of research is to provide a comprehensive understanding of jihad and show that jihad that is supposed to be is not related to the radical element. Through content analysis, uploads have been found on instagram containing jihad activities in accordance with the indicators of jihad with the Qur’an and Hadis, jihad with property and jihad of passion. This proves that Instagram social media is in fact capable of becoming a means of jihad for the present generation that has proven to be effective and efficient.

Prohibition and ‘Sharab’ as Political Protest in Karachi

This chapter by Nadeem Farooq Paracha brings oral history and memoir to the fore. Paracha interweaves national, social and personal histories in an extraordinary analysis of how alcohol, its sale and consumption, became intrinsic to Karachi’s leftist political culture in the euphoria of the post-Zia years; how political rebellion involving alcohol fueled violence on Karachi’s student campuses; and shaped Paracha’s personal nemesis and life trajectory into journalism rather than militancy. The adage that the ‘personal is political’ acquires enriched meaning in these unfoldings of a simultaneously painful, exhilarating, and destructive era that shaped one radical element of the city’s political commentariat. The politics surrounding alcohol from 1970-90 offer a perfect lens, Paracha shows us, onto transformations of religion, morality, and revolution within student support for the Pakistan People’s Party in a saturnalian urban setting.

‘The Old Leaven’: The Welsh Roundheads after 1660

Like other areas central to the royalist cause, Wales experienced a social and political revolution between about 1648 and 1660. In every county except Pembrokeshire, only a small minority of the traditional ruling families had supported the parliamentary side before 1645, and even fewer accepted the radical solutions proposed after 1648, or during the extremist revival of 1659. As a result, governments during the ‘radical’ periods had to turn to new social groups to administer these recalcitrant areas, and to supervise their conversion to puritanism and republican loyalty. The radicals in county society can normally be identified from their participation in local government in such periods (1649–53, 1659) although this is not an infallible guide, and appointment to a committee did not necessarily mean active service. If we compare the lists of justices, sequestration commissioners and committee men for, say, Pembrokeshire, Carmarthenshire and Radnorshire, then in each case we find that about thirty or forty names consistently appear during radical periods. In Pembrokeshire these were mainly drawn from the traditional rulers who had supported parliament in 1642, while the ‘radicals’ of Carmarthenshire were broadly the socially conservative followers of the powerful earl of Carbery, the old royalist leader who won and retained the favour of Cromwell. In Radnorshire by contrast, the committees for these years contained a very strong radical element, from families often not hitherto represented in county government. Of about thirty-three men whose radicalism is suggested by their periods in office, at least seven were not only strong republicans, but also followers of the millenarian Vavasor Powell, who loyally supported the Rump and the Barebones experiment, and plotted against Cromwell. Moreover, it was Radnorshire which was representative of Welsh counties in the 1650s, while the two south-western shires were exceptional in their preservation of gentry continuity in government.

Old Spanish Paladino, Palaciano, Palanciano, Palaciego

Structurally parallel derivatives from a given primitive (such as Lat. TENEBR-ICUS beside TENEBR-OSUS, Fr. verd-eur beside verdure, OSp. trist-eza beside trist-ura) in the historical perspective mostly turn out to have been successive rather than simultaneous offshoots.1 As long as such formations are studied merely in word lists illustrating the ranges of the individual suffixes that go into their making, the historical sequence of events is bound to pass unnoticed or, at least, not to remain fully discernible. To shed light on the relative chronology, it is advisable to select, as an appropriate unit of inquiry, the growth of separate word families showing sufficient proliferation of derivatives. The implicit severe limitation of scope allows the explorer to focus attention on the constantly changing interrelations between the nuclear formation of each family (the primitive) and its satellites in a number of carefully selected, clearly defined cases, in which adequate documentation can be furnished and the number of unknowns in historical reconstruction is reducible to the barest minimum. These shifts are in accord with the observable semantic expansions and contractions of the radical element and the ceaselessly changing availability of formatives, which, in turn, gradually experience extensions and reductions of their original scopes, proportionate to the number of currently used derivatives in which they are represented (to the extent to which they can be individuated and detached by untutored speakers). The linguistic historian can thus work out an intricate pattern of attractions and repulsions between radical and formatives. If his interest broadens out into culture history, he is further able, in the concrete case of the Hispano-Latin lexicon, to follow the (frequently tortuous) course of an important word-family, including all its ramifications, over a period of two thousand years, with the aim of distinguishing between the services that each member of the word-family, through incessant readjustment, has lent to consecutive generations of speakers, each in search of new expressions for newly-felt needs.