A Perfect Storm: The Social and Institutional Contexts of Samoa’s 2019-2020 Measles Epidemic and the Lessons learned for the COVID-19 Pandemic

In late 2019 and early 2020, an epidemic of measles ravaged Samoa, and nearly three people in every hundred (2.83%) in the small population were infected, with 1860 hospitalizations and 83 deaths, mainly children. In the circumstances of the 2020 Covid-19 pandemic, this case study shows that even when a proven vaccine exists for an infectious disease, circumstances may prevent its effective use. As academics and researchers who live and work in Samoa, this article seeks to shed some light into contributing factors to the measles outbreak. These include inadequate data collection, low vaccination coverage, weak institutional capacity, unpreparedness for an epidemic, lack of public information, vaccine hesitancy and anti-vaccine propaganda and public recourse to traditional and ‘alternative’ therapies. Through a combination of personal observation, analysis of media articles, government reports and historical documents, we present an overview of the circumstances of the measles epidemic. We trace the circumstances of low vaccination coverage, institutional weaknesses and an uninformed public resulting in a delayed an effective response. In conclusion we reflect on the lessons that history offers on public health services in Samoa. Keywords: Measles, Epidemic, Samoa, public health, Covid-19, vaccination.

Do the Pacific Islands still need a Regional University?

This article offers some background on a current issue in Pacific regionalism with reference to the problems of the University of the South Pacific (USP). The South Pacific region’s greatest assets are its people. The development of the region depends greatly on the education and training of its people. Training and education are important at all levels (primary, secondary and tertiary), particularly higher education. Higher education in the South Pacific region emerged after the post-World War II and independence movement period. This started with the University of Papua New Guinea being the first official institution of higher learning to be established in the South Pacific region. Its establishment paved the way for the founding of the USP which was designed to cater to the higher education needs of 14 Pacific Island states excluding Papua New Guinea. The formation of the USP meant that the member nations within the sphere of its coverage were not able to develop their own national institutions of higher learning due to the funding model of the USP donors. This was until Samoa went against the grain and established the National University of Samoa which triggered the emergence of national institutions of higher learning throughout the region

Colonizing Madness: Asylum and Community in Fiji

The cover artwork of this book created by Rotuman artist John Mausio, and titled ‘I am Here’ depicts an arresting image of a person painted as a combination of shadow and solid form, seated on a layer of rocks against a backdrop of a woven and solid brick wall. Mausio is himself an active artist in the mental health area working with the St Giles Hospital, a key centre of the book’s narrative. Comprising of seven chapters and populated with images of people and buildings, Leckie states ‘this book explores the way the practices and discourse of modern bio-medicine and mental health were articulated in local communities as well as in the asylum’ (p.3). Furthermore, her interest is in ‘reading the lunacy archive to address how madness was constructed and managed and how it affected individuals and communities in colonial Fiji’ (p.4). Leckie draws on archival research from ‘the remaining records of former patients at St Giles to explore the nebulous condition and label of madness and states of mental difference’ (p.4). These records are described as ‘fragmentary’ and ‘scribbled in shorthand by colonial officials and the doctors’ (p.5). Nonetheless, they provide an account of a complex and deeply affective narratives.

Samoan Villages and the MIRAB Model: Four case studies

In 1965-67 Brian Lockwood documented the socioeconomic circumstances of four Samoan villages (Poutasi, Uafato, Utuali’i and Taga), In this paper I present the results of studies of those four villages in 2018-2019 that show the trajectory of mainly subsistence to mainly commercial agriculture expected by Lockwood and others in the period following Samoa’s Independence in 1962 has not occurred, and suggest that the processes of change and the similarities between the case study villages may be explained with reference to the MIRAB model first articulated in 1984 by Bertram and Watters. The MIRAB model of development proposes that, the interacting characteristics of small Pacific Islands of migration (MI), remittances (R), aid (A) and state generated employment (bureaucracies ‘B’) created a “perfectly sustainable strategy” for most Pacific island countries. My research findings suggest MIRAB model can be applied to an understanding of the trajectory of village development in Samoa since the 1960s. The economies of the four villages studied rely heavily on remittances (R) from their relatives overseas (MI) and the new component of aid (A) in the form of village projects funded directly by donors for development purposes in a particular village in the form of village projects. The village councils, women’s committees, or youth groups usually implement these projects. The bureaucracy (B) component of the MIRAB (which in the literature refers to government employment) can also be understood as the provision of services to villages and rural districts by government agencies (B), such as health and educational facilities, police outposts, access roads, water and electricity supply and other infrastructure.

Tautuaileva: A Samoan Hermeneutic to Explore Egalitarianism in the Bible

O lenei tusiga o se taumafaiga e vaai i le mataupu o lāfoga a faifeau ma le tete’e a le EFKS, mai le talafaasolopito o le Ekalesia. O se aotelega o manatu o lenei tusiga, o le pāsiaina o le tulafono i lāfoga a faifeau tausi nuu, o le ōia lava lea o le feagaiga sa osia i le va o le Lotu ma Samoa talu ona taunuu o le Talalelei i o tatou laufanua.

Tāua o le Gagana Fa’a-Failauga i le Gagana ma le Aganu’u Samoa

O le gagana, “O le fale o oloa tāua” (Le Tagaloa, 1996) o loo taaofa’i ai le sosia male tamaoaiga o le lalolagi o tagatanuu o Samoa. E pei ona taua i le Tofamanino a Samoa, O tama a manu, e fafaga i fuga o laau, o tama a tagata e fafaga i upu ma tala. O le gagana o le taiala lea e a’oa’o ma fofoa ai o tatou mafaufau ia poto ma ia iloa le soifuaga o le lalolagi fa’a-Samoa (Le Tagaloa, 1996). Ou te talitonu, e tu mati’e lava Samoa i lana gagana, aua e tasi le gagana ae eseese ona tafa poo malosiaga, fai ole gagana fa’afailauga, gagana faaaloalo, gagana fa’akerisiano, gagana fa’avaoli’a poo le fa’auigalua ma le gagana valiata, o ituaiga malosiaga ia o loo tiu ai le Samoa i aso uma. O tafa ia o le gagana Samoa e ese mai ai mai i isi gagana O lenei tusiga puupuu o le a agai tonu lea i le taua o le Gagana Faa-failauga.

Lafoga a Faifeau ma le Tete’e a le EFKS: O le Feagaiga ua Ōia

O lenei tusiga o se taumafaiga e vaai i le mataupu o lāfoga a faifeau ma le tete’e a le EFKS, mai le talafaasolopito o le Ekalesia. O se aotelega o manatu o lenei tusiga, o le pāsiaina o le tulafono i lāfoga a faifeau tausi nuu, o le ōia lava lea o le feagaiga sa osia i le va o le Lotu ma Samoa talu ona taunuu o le Talalelei i o tatou laufanua.

O To’atūgā ua Fa’ava’atu’ia ai le Avea o Tama’ita’i ma Taitai o ’Āiga, Nuu ma Ekalesia i Sāmoa

E tusa ai ma faamaumauga o talatuu ma tala faafagogo, sa faaaloalogia taitaiga faatamaitai ao lei taunuu mai le Talalelei ma pulega faakolone i laufanua o Sāmoa. O se tasi o lagisoifua matamata tetele, o le pulega a le uluai Tafaifa o Salamasina i le silia ma le 40 tausaga. O le talitonuga, sa nofo filemu le atunuu, ma sologa lelei taualumaga uma o lenei pulega. Peitai, na amata ona soloia taitaiga faatamaitai ina ua faailo mai taitaiga a alii i le toai taunuu mai o Misionare i le 1830. Sa faamamalu e pulega faakolone, ma faaauau ai lava ona faaaloalogia i Sāmoa le ituaiga pulega lenei e oo mai i onapo nei. O le vaaiga lautele, ua sili ona toatele alii latou te umia tofiga fa’ata’ita’i i aiga, nuu ma ekalesia, nai lo tamaitai. Ua ’ausi gata tofiga fa’ata’ita’i e tamaitai oloo iai le naunau ma le agavaa, ona o nisi o toatuga ua fai ma papupuni. O le mafuaaga lena ua faaosofia ai lenei suesuega, seia vaili faafitauli ua ogotia ai avanoa tutusa o alii ma tamaitai i tulaga fa’ata’ita’i . O le aoina o manogi o le lolo mo le suesuega na faaaoga ai faatalanoaga, mataitu nisi o galuega fai i totonu o Komiti a Tina ma Tamaitai, ma iloilo faaiuga o suesuega sa faaautu i agavaa fa’ata’ita’i o tamaitai Sāmoa. Na faamautu mai i le suesuega manatu e faapea. O faafitauli ua vaemanua ai le avea o tamaitai ma taitai o aiga, nuu ma ekalesia, ona o tulafono a pulega a nuu e tapu ai le suafa matai o tamaitai, o le talitonuga e nafa le tamaitai ma tiute faaleaiga, ma le talitonuga faakerisiano, o le tama o le ulu o le aiga.

Obesity in Samoa: Culture, History and Dietary Practices

This paper provides an overview, from an historical perspective, to identify the structural factors that have created an ‘obesogenic’ environment in contemporary Samoa. The prevalence of obesity among Samoan adults had dramatically increased over the past four decades and is now affecting about 59 % of men and 81 % of women in this small island country, respectively. More alarming is the association of obesity with prevalent non-communicable diseases, such as diabetes, stroke, cancer and heart attack. There are multiple factors at work which include, but not limited to, behaviour related to a nutrition transition, limited physical activities, sedentary lifestyle and cultural food practices. The question is why and how the people of Samoa changed their traditional diet, consisting mostly of taro, breadfruit, coconut, and fish, to meals consisting of mainly imported, processed food items laden with sugar, saturated fat and salt. This dietary change has not occurred because Samoan customs and culture of food has changed; it is the food that has changed. Keywords: obesity, culture, dietary practices, nutrition transition.