The Wolf Is Really upon Us Now

This chapter probes the presidential contest of 1860 between four major candidates: Democrat Stephen Douglas; Southern Democrat John C. Breckinridge; Republican Abraham Lincoln; and Constitutional Unionist John Bell. The chapter demonstrates that in spite of the political polarization within the nation and the ill-effects of John Brown’s raid, the moderate, middle ground political outlook of most white border southerners remarkably endured. The chapter contains a close inspection of each major party’s political activity within the Border South in the months before the election of 1860. It also includes a close analysis of the election results in both the presidential election and the 1860 Missouri gubernatorial election to demonstrate the staying power of the Border South’s moderate political notion.

We Are Approaching a Crisis Pregnant with Immense and Momentous Results

This chapter follows the political aftermath of John Brown’s raid at Harpers Ferry, Virginia, in October 1859. Brown, an abolitionist, attempted to start a massive slave rebellion and although unsuccessful, the incursion added another layer of animosity to the sectional conflict and made it all the more difficult for white border southerners to adhere to a middle ground position between the North and the South. The possibility of future abolitionist attacks, which would undoubtedly take place on the soil of the Border South, pushed some white border southerners into the secessionist ranks and undercut the arguments of political moderates who espoused a proslavery Unionist outlook. This chapter also investigates the political divisions within the region by exploring the contest for Speaker of the House of Representatives which took place in the U.S. Congress just weeks after Brown’s raid.

Every Day’s Delay Weakens the Secessionists and Strengthens the Union

This chapter covers the last half of 1861 and demonstrates how Unionists within the Border South managed to defeat the secessionists within their midst. This chapter emphasizes the movement away from neutrality in each of the Border South states and the forces that tilted the balance towards Unionism. A major factor contributing to the defeat of secession in the Border South was the increased presence of the Union army. In Maryland, Missouri, and eventually in Kentucky, federal troops were used to keep Border South secessionists in check. This chapter also chronicles how Unionists overcame John C. Frémont’s emancipation proclamation, which he announced in August 1861. By the end of 1861, all of the Border South states had abandoned neutrality and cast their lot with the United States. Internal divisions continued, but the secession movement had been defeated in the Border South.

Compromise May Restore the Union, but the Sword Can Never Preserve It

This chapter continues the story of the Unionist Offensive in the Border South, carrying it through the tumultuous period when six Lower South states followed South Carolina out of the Union. The secession of the Lower South placed added pressure on the Border South states, as did the fact that John Crittenden and his allies in the U.S. Congress were unable to get a comprehensive compromise package passed. This chapter focuses closely on the conditional nature of Border South Unionism and shows how without a compromise settlement, many white border southerners became more amenable to the possibility of secession. Some also adopted a neutral attitude at this juncture, hoping to avoid taking sides with either the Union or the Confederacy.

Introduction

The Introduction provides an overview of how many people in the Border South states of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri – a region where political actors had traditionally favored compromise on sectional issues – by the middle of the 1850s worried that the slavery controversy would disrupt the Union. Set against the backdrop of an 1857 Independence Day ceremony honoring the late Henry Clay, the Introduction emphasizes the strong Unionist tradition of Border South politicians. It also demonstrates the difficulty of securing a compromise in the midst of the secession crisis, when sectional polarization had become very intense. This chapter also introduces the concept of proslavery Unionism, or the belief that staying in the Union provided the best protections for the institution of slavery, that was so important to political leaders in the Border South.

If We Can’t Go with the South Let Us Quit the North

This chapter tracks the course of the Border South during a critical interval in the secession crisis when war breaks out between the United States and the Confederacy. Without a compromise in hand at the end of the Thirty-Sixth Congress’s session, John J. Crittenden and other Border South Unionists called a Border State Convention with the goal of keeping hopes for a settlement alive. This plan was dashed with the outbreak of war at Fort Sumter in April 1861. With the beginning of war Border South Unionists had to change their strategy. From this point forward, Crittenden and his allies try to frame the war as an effort to rebuild the Union, not an attack on slavery. Many white border southerners adopted a neutral attitude during this period, and in many cases frustrated secessionists in the Border South decided to leave the region and offer their services to the Confederacy. This chapter also illustrates how political tensions spilled over into violence in the Border South, as Baltimore and Saint Louis endured large-scale riots in response to the presence of federal troops.

Conclusion

The Conclusion highlights some of the major themes of the book, specifically the Border South’s enduring penchant for moderate politics and the power of proslavery Unionism. It also discusses the changing direction of the Civil War by the end of 1861. Border South Unionists had built their entire argument for staying in the Union on the need to protect slavery, but by the end of 1861 the war aims of the United States were beginning to include taking bolder action against the institution of slavery. Very few white border southerners embraced this type of war, but by this point their lot had been cast with the United States.

What Ought Patriots to Do?

This chapter explains the development of the Unionist Offensive, which was an effort by Border South moderates to sustain the region’s pro-Union mind-set in the weeks after the election of Republican Abraham Lincoln. Although the election of 1860 had proven that many white border southerners continued to espouse a preference for moderate politics, Unionists rightfully worried that pro-secession sentiment would spread rapidly in the region, especially after many Lower South states called conventions to consider secession. Led by Kentucky Senator John Jordan Crittenden, the Unionist Offensive was a full-fledged political campaign aimed at beating back disunionists. It included pro-Union political rallies, newspaper editorials, and stump speaking. The centrepiece of the Unionist Offensive was the argument that slavery was best protected within the Union and that secession greatly endangered slavery. The chapter focuses on Crittenden’s efforts to craft a compromise package in the U.S. Senate which would allay the fears of white border southerners about the safety of slavery now that Republicans were poised to take over the federal government.

A Representation of Almost Every Interest and Pursuit in the Union

This chapter explores the political, economic, and social trajectory of the Border South during the decade of the 1850s. Utilizing census data, it demonstrates the importance of slavery to the Border South and its inhabitants. Moreover, this chapter emphasizes that Border South politicians were quite in touch with the politics of slavery, not unlike politicians in the other eleven slaveholding states. The chapter illuminates the diversity of the Border South economy over the course of the 1850s, and compares the region’s economy to the rest of the South. It also shows how the Democratic Party had made great gains in the Border South over the decade and suggests that some white border southerners had by the end of the 1850s embraced the radical political idea of secession.