The Wolf Is Really upon Us Now

Author(s):  
Michael D. Robinson

This chapter probes the presidential contest of 1860 between four major candidates: Democrat Stephen Douglas; Southern Democrat John C. Breckinridge; Republican Abraham Lincoln; and Constitutional Unionist John Bell. The chapter demonstrates that in spite of the political polarization within the nation and the ill-effects of John Brown’s raid, the moderate, middle ground political outlook of most white border southerners remarkably endured. The chapter contains a close inspection of each major party’s political activity within the Border South in the months before the election of 1860. It also includes a close analysis of the election results in both the presidential election and the 1860 Missouri gubernatorial election to demonstrate the staying power of the Border South’s moderate political notion.

Author(s):  
Inés Castro Apreza

This paper analyzes the gubernatorial election in Chiapas and establishes some similarities with the presidential election. It examines certain relevant indicators: the transition governments that fail to meet the citizen’s expectations, the political alliances formed before and after the elections, the lack of confidence towards the electoral institutions and the vote-tallying process; this last issue was the center of all debates in 2006. Based on evidences, this paper ponders on the poor quality of the citizen’s rights enjoyed in Mexico and studies the possibility of questioning the political transition itself.


Author(s):  
Victor Moraru ◽  
◽  
Ecaterina Deleu ◽  

The discourse of the political parties of the Republic of Moldova passed through multiple transformations over the years. Issues on migration and diaspora were promoted especially during election periods. The political authorities focused, in the dialogue with diaspora, on issues related to political participation, ensuring the right to vote, organizing a larger number of polling stations abroad. The discourse of the parties, more rhetorical, was reoriented from the issue of migration to the representatives of the diaspora and the formed communities. During election periods this interest increases in intensity, becomes more active and more constant. According to the election results, the attitude of the parties towards the diaspora also changes. Several parties have developed strategies to involve diaspora representatives in political activity and have tried to build a more or less constant dialogue.


2022 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Rizky Widian ◽  
Putu Agung Nara Indra Prima Satya ◽  
Sylvia Yazid

Abstract In Indonesia's political strategic environment, Islamic narratives have been among the main narratives, but have not always been dominant. The 2014 presidential election displayed the beginning of a rising trend of Islamic narratives within the political context in Indonesia. Since then Islamic narratives influenced the strategy of Indonesia's populist leaders, as particularly seen during the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election and 2019 presidential election. This paper analyzes how populism as a strategy was used in recent Indonesian elections. For this purpose, it uses the conception of populism as a political strategy proposed by Weyland. Building on this approach, the paper explains the strategic adjustments made in the use of populism from 2014, 2017, and 2019 in Indonesian political events. It argues that the strategic environment faced by populist actors in Indonesia's 2019 election affected their decision to choose Islamic narratives as an instrument for mass mobilization.


2007 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 81-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Martinez ◽  
David Hill

The peak turnout rate in the 2004 presidential election highlights an important question for students of electoral participation: Did the higher levels of turnout advantage one of the two major party candidates? In this paper, we analyze state and county-level presidential and gubernatorial election results in 2000 and 2004, and find that Bush won the presidential election in spite of, rather than because of, the increase in turnout. The partisan effects of turnout varied across gubernatorial elections, and we found no evidence that local partisan minorities benefited from higher levels of turnout.


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 225-243
Author(s):  
Gregory S. Thielemann ◽  
Euel Elliott

The 2004 presidential election in Texas was among the least contested in the country. This is not surprising given the state’s recent electoral history and the fact that George W. Bush could probably be elected king for life in his home state. Initially, we will discuss the results from the 2004 elections in Texas, examining the 2004 primary elections, the fundraising, and the general election results. Because this single election year only tells part of the story of the changes in the Texas electorate, we will also offer an historical analysis of the state’s partisan realignment as well as the reasons for this change and the extent to which this shift in the political landscape represents a long-term trend.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haruo Nakagawa

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ida Susilowati ◽  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Nur Rohim Yunus

AbstractPresidential Election in 2019 has become the most interesting executive election throughout Indonesia's political history. People likely separated, either Jokowi’s or Prabowo’s stronghold. Then it can be assumed, when someone, not a Jokowi’s stronghold he or she certainly within Prabowo’s stronghold. The issue that was brought up in the presidential election campaign, sensitively related to religion, communist ideology, China’s employer, and any other issues. On the other side, politics identity also enlivened the presidential election’s campaign in 2019. Normative Yuridis method used in this research, which was supported by primary and secondary data sourced from either literature and social phenomenon sources as well. The research analysis concluded that political identity has become a part of the political campaign in Indonesia as well as in other countries. The differences came as the inevitability that should not be avoided but should be faced wisely. Finally, it must be distinguished between political identity with the politicization of identity clearly.Keywords. Identity Politics, 2019 Presidential Election


1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-99
Author(s):  
Ziaul Haque

After thirteen long years of military dictatorship, national elections on the basis of adult franchise were held in Pakistan in December 1970. The Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and the Pakistan Peoples Party, under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, emerged as the two majority political parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan respectively. The political party commanding a majority in one wing of the country had almost no following in the other. This ended in a political and constitutional deadlock, since this split mandate and political exclusiveness gradually led to the parting of ways and political polarization. Power was not transferred to the majority party (that is, the Awami League) within the legally prescribed time; instead, in the wake of the political/ constitutional crisis, a civil war broke out in East Pakistan which soon led to an open war between India and Pakistan in December 1971. This ultimately resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan, and in the creation of Bangladesh as a sovereign country. The book under review is a political study of the causes and consequences of this crisis and the war, based on a reconstruction of the real facts, historical events, political processes and developments. It candidly recapitulates the respective roles of the political elites (both of India and Pakistan), their leaders and governments, and assesses their perceptions of the real situation. It is an absorbing narrative of almost thirteen months, from 7 December, 1970, when elections were held in Pakistan, to 17 December, 1971 when the war ended after the Pakistani army's surrender to the Indian army in Dhaka (on December 16, 1971). The authors, who are trained political scientists, give fresh interpretations of these historical events and processes and relate them to the broader regional and global issues, thus assessing the crisis in a broader perspective. This change of perspective enhances our understanding of the problems the authors discuss. Their focus on the problems under discussion is sharp, cogent, enlightening, and circumspect, whether or not the reader agrees with their conclusions. The grasp of the source material is masterly; their narration of fast-moving political events is superbly anchored in their scientific methodology and political philosophy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-235
Author(s):  
Yury Korgunyuk

Abstract The article analyzes the weak points of the Manifesto Project’s methodology, such as its emphasis on issue salience, instead of issue positions; bringing the content of manifestos under too broad categories formulated at the beginning of the project; not quite the appropriate technique of factor analysis etc. An alternative methodology is proposed that focuses on party positions on issues which generate the largest polarization in the political space. It also enriches the empirical base of the studies and adjusts the technique of factor analysis. In order to reveal political cleavages inside these dimensions, the so called electoral cleavages (factors of territorial differences in voting for various parties) are taken as a starting point: factor loadings of parties in the electoral and political spaces are compared through correlation and regression analyses. The proposed methodology is applied to an analysis of election results in Russia (2016) and Germany (2017).


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document