Ethnic Enclave and Entrepreneurial Financing: Asian Venture Capitalists in Silicon Valley

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 318-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jing Zhang ◽  
Poh Kam Wong ◽  
Yuen Ping Ho
Author(s):  
Lyda Bigelow ◽  
Jennifer Kuan ◽  
Kyle Mayer

Regional differences among industry clusters have long been a puzzle, especially when performance differences are significant. This chapter examines the case of venture capital investing, in which Silicon Valley differs from the rest of the world despite attempts to imitate its model. The point of entry in this chapter is the contract between venture capitalist and entrepreneur. Although such contracts have been analyzed in other research, this chapter argues that the psychological effects of different contract styles are of primary importance to innovative outcomes of entrepreneurial ventures. Thus, it argues that regulatory focus theory, which considers the psychological effects of contracting, is essential to understanding differences in practice and outcomes in venture capital clusters.


2002 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Heinrich

Silicon Valley is frequently portrayed as a manifestation of postindustrial entrepreneurship, where ingenious inventor-businessmen and venture capitalists forged a dynamic, high-tech economy unencumbered by government's “heavy hand.” Closer examination reveals that government played a major role in launching and sustaining some of the region's core industries through military contracting. Focusing on leading firms in the microwave electronics, missile, satellite, and semiconductor industries, this article argues that demand for customized military technology encouraged contractors to embark on a course of flexible specialization, batch production, and continuous innovation. Thriving throughout much of the Cold War, major military contractors fell on hard times when defense markets started to shrink in the late 1980s, because specialized design and production capabilities were rarely applicable to civilian product lines. But Pentagon funding for research and development helped lay the technological groundwork for a new generation of startups, contributing to Silicon Valley's economic renaissance in the 1990s.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 472-484
Author(s):  
S. D. Stone

This article reviews interdisciplinary literature to explain how state legislation and the practice of law in California influenced the success of Silicon Valley in creating a startup business culture involving the commercialization of technologies built on venture capital finance. Scholarship has identified four major factors in the rise of Silicon Valley: business culture, symbiotic institutional relations with research universities, California contract and employment law, and Silicon Valley law firm culture. Both law and institutional support have been central to the commercialization of scientific knowledge that is the hallmark of Silicon Valley. Silicon Valley companies have remained leaders in technological innovation for over sixty years, encompassing various technologies from semiconductors to personal computers to the Internet. This entrepreneurial approach to technology continues to this day as exemplified by the successful DoorDash and Airbnb IPOs launched in 2020. The paradigmatic Silicon Valley technology company consists of a small group of entrepreneurs building a start-up technology company funded by a venture capital fund. The venture capitalists (VC) maintain hands-on management of the company and receive seats on the board of director and preferred stock rights. If the business plan is successful, the company offers shares to the public through an initial public offering (IPO), or arranges additional funding from another VC fund. This Silicon Valley model is characterized by a tolerance for failure and high labor mobility. Technology company employees have the freedom to leave established companies to start their own ventures.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Watson Munyanyi ◽  
Alexander Mapfumo

In many developing econonmies access to traditional entrepreneurial financing like banks and venture capitalists has remained suppressed. This has forced many entrepreneurs to resort to non traditiona lmethods of venture financing among them, financial bootstrapping and micro loans. One alternative that these ventures could employ is crowdfunding. Although crowdfunding has remained predominantly a developed world phenomenon, there has been strides in the emerging economies to employ it as an entrepreneurial financing alternative. This paper spught to investigate the factors that are driving the possibility of Zimbabwean entrepreneurs employing crowdfunding as a financing technique. Through survey data collection techniques and statistical data analysis this research mananged to highlight the factors in the crowdfunding ecosystem tht makes the Zimbabwean economy ready for crowdfunding activities. In line with existing literature five factors were uncovered as the major drivers that make crowdfunding possible in Zimbabwe and the results are used to infer to other emerging economies with similar characteristics.  


2013 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 539-557 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doug Henton ◽  
Kim Held

Understanding the dynamics of Silicon Valley requires a deep appreciation of the impact of creative destruction on a resilient innovation habitat: a complex ecosystem of relationships among entrepreneurs, researchers, venture capitalists, service providers, lawyers, accountants and marketing professionals that is constantly shape-shifting. As a modern Proteus, Silicon Valley has initiated and weathered successive boom–bust cycles by constantly adapting its social and institutional infrastructure to new technologies and market forces, and leveraging these foundations in the next wave. Joseph Schumpeter, who is credited with the notion of ‘creative destruction’, saw capitalism as a ‘process of industrial mutation … that incessantly revolutionizes the economic structure from within, incessantly destroying the old one, incessantly creating a new one’ (Schumpeter, 1942: 83). For over half a century, Silicon Valley has been a model for continual creative destruction. Carlota Perez has taken Schumpeter’s theory to the next level by demonstrating how technological revolutions driven by creative destruction result in not only redefined industries but also redefined industrial infrastructures and economic institutions (Perez, 2002). This article provides a framework for analyzing the dynamics of Silicon Valley based on the perspectives of both Schumpeter and Perez, and describes how the region continues to evolve as a social innovation habitat that supports the diversity of changing technologies and converging industry clusters. Whether this can be replicated by other economic regions is discussed, with key lessons learned from the Silicon Valley experience and how they might be applied to other places. We argue that regions must accept creative destruction as a natural process of boom and bust, and adapt and apply technologies during these cycles that are important and vital to the specific region. Each region does not have to strive to be Silicon Valley, but instead should build on its strengths and invest in innovation infrastructure and human capital in order to become its own Silicon Valley.


Urban Studies ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-35
Author(s):  
Sharon Zukin

The COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated the use of digital platforms and software for operating remotely and encouraged employers to reshape the workplace for social distancing. But it is not at all clear what these arrangements will mean for cities that have spent the past decade building an ‘innovation complex’ around physical density, digital technology and real estate development. On the one hand, many parts of the tech ecosystem that relied on face-to-face interaction – such as coworking spaces, hackathons and venture capitalists’ mentoring of start-up founders – have already moved online. On the other hand, cutting tech ecosystems loose from place-based offices, labour markets and institutional networks puts cities’ economic future at risk. This could drastically weaken the value of the city’s fixed capital of buildings and land, its social capital of institutional networks and communities, and its human capital of workers with tech skills. Yet partnering with tech leaders to ‘reimagine’ the city could advance the power of Big Tech. To try to understand which parts of the urban tech ecosystem will likely survive the pandemic, I take a critical look at how the discursive, organisational and geographical spaces of a planetary Silicon Valley culture became embedded in New York between 2010 and 2020.


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