The Non-global Powers

Author(s):  
George Modelski ◽  
William R. Thompson
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Thomas Christiansen

This chapter discusses whether the European Union has a distinctive take on, and may make a particular contribution to, global governance, as well as the reverse image of the impact that global governance has in the development of integration in Europe. This includes a focus on collective norms and interests as expressed through common institutions, policies, and activities. In doing so, the chapter compares and contrasts the evolution of a supranational order in Europe with the growth of global regimes and the emergence of a multipolar world, and explores the nature of the EU’s relationships with other global powers and regions. In a final section, the chapter asks whether the EU’s relationship with global developments is best seen as a test-bed for new ideas, procedures, and concepts; a construction for the defence of a privileged way of life; or an archaic remnant of a different era.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 208
Author(s):  
Jan-Erik Lane

<p><em>The new theory of abrupt climate change has yet to receive a response from those arguing for global policy coordination with the COP21 treaty or those who believe in country resilience. The only method to halt climate change with Hawking’s irreversibiity is to cut CO2s sharply now. But it will not happen, because of human regidity, opportunism with guile and institutional inertia. The global powers, acting for “WE” or “US” concentrate all attention upon petty matters.</em></p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-22

Living in an area that has long been a battlefield where various world powers have often been at loggerheads, Pashtuns have frequently drawn the attention of several works of fiction. Yet literary scholars have largely ignored the importance of these works of fiction looking into the lives of Pashtuns. This paper proposes that from the times of the Cold War to those of the War on Terror, Pashtun identities have been clouded by the hegemonic discourses of the contesting global powers, leading to gaps and silences in their depiction in literature.This paper argues that the Pashtun images in contemporary Pakistani fiction in English exhibit strong influences of the dominating narratives; simultaneously, however, they seem to offer various patterns of subversion of the prevailing power narratives. Despite the fact that Pashtuns are generally regarded as the most subversive people of South Asia and that their lands have been regarded significant strategically as well as geographically, yet they are portrayed as the Others of the mainstream cultural discourses. This paper aims to highlight the contours of the socio-cultural and political valuation of Pashtuns in contemporary Pakistani fiction in English.


2013 ◽  
pp. 121-148
Author(s):  
Mauro F. Guillen ◽  
Emilio Ontiveros

Author(s):  
Michael J. Lee ◽  
William R. Thompson

Major powers appear to behave differently from other states in the international system. They are more active and less constrained by distance than other actors. The common approach of testing conflict (and other) hypotheses across relevant dyads builds this fact into the architecture of quantitative IR. However, we argue that the dominant operationalization of major power status actually conflates two different kinds of states—global powers and regional powers. Global powers are those with both a strong interest and a capacity for long-distance engagement in IR: they build strong navies and air forces and seek to control access to the global commons. In contrast, other states have predominantly local interests and lack much capacity to project force over distance (e.g., 19th-century Austria-Hungary). Here, we develop a new, historically robust measure of power projection capability by examining the naval and air power of states from 1816–2013. We illustrate the face validity of our model by illustrating the important ways in which global powers differ from other states. Not only are global powers more active internationally, they also have fundamentally different concerns than other states. One of the strongest findings in quantitative research in conflict is the idea that states often fight wars with neighbors (either because of the importance of territorial conflicts, proximity, or both). Yet even this powerful result is nullified in dyads where one or both participants have high levels of power projection capability. Global powers are behaviorally different from other states—even many of those considered “major powers” by the Correlates of War (COW) project. We need to consider these distinctions carefully when modeling conflict behavior—particularly when declaring particular dyads to be “relevant dyads.”


2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-99
Author(s):  
Irene Fernández-Molina ◽  
Raquel Ojeda-García

AbstractThis article argues that the “declarative” parastate of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) claiming sovereignty over Western Sahara is better understood as a hybrid between a parastate and a state-in-exile. It relies more on external, “international legal sovereignty,” than on internal, “Westphalian” and “domestic” sovereignty. While its Algerian operational base in the Tindouf refugee camps makes it work as a primarily extraterritorial state-in-exile de facto, the SADR maintains control over one quarter of Western Sahara’s territory proper allowing it to at least partially meet the requirements for declarative statehood de jure. Many case-specific nuances surround the internal sovereignty of the SADR in relation to criteria for statehood: territory, population, and government. However, examining this case in a comparative light reveals similarities with other (secessionist) parastates. The SADR exists within the context of a frozen conflict, where the stalemate has been reinforced by an ineffective internationally brokered peace settlement and the indefinite presence of international peacekeeping forces. Global powers have played a major role in prolonging the conflict’s status quo while the specific resilience of the SADR as a parastate has been ensured by support from Algeria as an external sponsor. The path to sovereignty appears to be blocked in every possible way.


2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 22-24
Author(s):  
Donald A. Yerxa
Keyword(s):  

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