Women’s Participation in Peace Processes

2022 ◽  
pp. 103-119
Author(s):  
Jana Krause ◽  
Louise Olsson
Author(s):  
Laura J. Shepherd

This chapter examines the “success stories” of the WPS agenda, interrogating how the agenda emerges as a triumph of transnational advocacy, a step forward in the seemingly endless search for strategies to mitigate against gendered inequalities and discrimination, and the prompt for—or ally of—related policy initiatives such as the UK’s Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative or the “feminist foreign policy” commitments of Sweden and Canada. Multiple articulations of success feature in the narrative of the agenda; for the purpose of identifying the fabula, I have organized these into two primary dimensions. First, the narration of the WPS agenda frequently cites the agenda itself as a success. The second dimension of the success story is the narration of moderate successes in implementation of the WPS agenda. These are the moments of change and, by implication, improvement to organizational structure or individual experience that the agenda has brought about. Over time, the ways in which these victories are presented, particularly in the Secretary-General’s reports but also in the contributions to and statements at Security Council Open Debates and even in interview data, rely more and more on quantitative data. Further, in terms of subject specificity, these successes are related increasingly to the prevention of sexual violence and women’s participation in peace processes, while other dimensions of the agenda are less well attended.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Hewitt

This article examines the relationship between the Women, Peace and Security (wps) agenda and the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). R2P remains ‘gender-blind’, inadequately addressing gender issues encompassed within the wps agenda. Currently, women are limited by gendered structural inequalities and marginalisation in conflict, where the wps agenda has failed to be incorporated in R2P and broader conflict mechanisms. I argue that the wps agenda and R2P are mutually beneficial and complementary in their protection mandates to enable lasting peace. I identify three common intersecting commitments of these two normative frameworks to provide a more holistic, gender-sensitive approach to conflict. These are prevention and early warning systems, protection and gender-sensitive peacekeeping, and women’s participation in peace processes. I conclude that identifying common areas of engagement could potentially effect positive changes for women and men on the ground in conflict prevention and protection, and post-conflict reconstruction.


Author(s):  
Lisa Sharland

Abstract Peacebuilding is less likely to succeed without the participation and consideration of women. In the last two decades, peace operations deployed on the African continent under the banner of the United Nations and the African Union have included mandates focused on strengthening women’s participation in peace processes, ensuring the protection of women and girls, and integrating gender considerations into the approach of missions at building sustainable peace. This chapter examines the approaches undertaken in two case study countries—Liberia (where a long-standing UN peace operation has recently departed) and South Sudan (where a UN peace operation continues to operate with significant constraints)—in order to examine some of the challenges and opportunities that UN engagement has offered in terms of advancing equality and women’s security in each country.


Author(s):  
Thania Paffenholz

Despite the adoption of the landmark UN Security Council Resolution 1325 over fifteen years ago, women remain significantly underrepresented in peace and transition processes. This chapter analyses how and under which conditions the inclusion of women influences peace processes. It draws upon evidence-based comparative research findings, which show that increasing the number of women included in peace and transition processes does not per se increase the likelihood that more peace agreements are signed and implemented. Making women’s participation in peace and transition processes count is more important than merely counting the number of women included in such processes. This chapter suggests, therefore, that for the discursive shift toward meaningful participation to be seen in practice, peace negotiations need to be designed in a way that facilitates the engagement of women in leadership roles. Moreover, it concludes that substantive participation requires political and financial conditions that enable women to occupy leadership roles in the negotiation process.


Author(s):  
Anjali Kaushlesh Dayal ◽  
Agathe Christien

Abstract Women’s greater presence in informal peace processes is often noted in works on peace processes, but there has been little systematic evidence about this involvement. This article is the first systematic study of women’s participation in informal peace processes. We find that women are a significant presence in civil society efforts to forge peace outside formal negotiation rooms: nearly three-fourths of identifiable informal peace processes have clear evidence of involvement from women’s groups. This research indicates that women advocate to be included in formal peace processes, work to legitimate formal negotiations and organize for peace, advocate for the inclusion of women’s rights issues in the final peace agreement, provide information on human rights violations to participants in the formal peace process, engage in local conflict resolution, and advocate as partisans for one or another side in the conflict.


2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacqui True ◽  
Yolanda Riveros-Morales

The presence of gender provisions in peace agreements affects women’s participation in post-conflict societies as well as the chances that a post-conflict society will move towards gender equality. While there is an overall upward trend in the number of references to women’s rights and gender equality in peace agreements, gender-sensitive agreements are not a given. Why and how are peace agreements with gender provisions adopted? We use statistical analysis to explain why some peace agreements adopt gender provisions while others have no such provisions. Based on an analysis of 98 peace agreements across 55 countries between 2000 and 2016, we find that peace agreements are significantly more likely to have gender provisions when women participate in elite peace processes. Our study also shows that the likelihood of achieving a peace agreement with gender provisions increases when women’s representation in national parliaments increases and when women’s civil society participation is significant.


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