South China Sea as a Microcosm of Chinese Foreign Policy and Prospects for Asian Polarization

Author(s):  
Dean Karalekas
2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 161-191
Author(s):  
Robert Joseph Medillo

Abstract Why and how did the Philippine Congress intervene in the policies of Arroyo (hedging), Aquino III (balancing), and Duterte (appeasement) on the South China Sea disputes? In particular, why and how did the Philippine Congress challenge each president’s attempt to forge either cooperation or confrontation towards China? Guided by the domestic politics – foreign policy nexus, this article explores the dynamic role of the Philippine Congress in the country’s foreign policy process. It combines comparative case-study and content analysis methods to examine relevant congressional records, government documents, public speeches, and news reports. This article finds that the impetus behind Congress’ intervention was to seek accountability, legitimacy, and transparency via registering a bill or passing a law, filing legislative resolutions, holding congressional hearings, calling for impeachment proceedings, delivering privilege speeches, and issuing press releases. This article offers its empirical and theoretical contributions to broaden current understanding of the relationship between domestic politics and foreign policy.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Wishnu Mahendra Wiswayana

In recent years situation on the South China Sea facing an escalationcondition, especially affected from China maritime activities. That conditionemerged when China put South China Sea territory at China's official map,which called 9/10/11 dashed line or u-shaped line. This paper addresses theIndonesian Government respond about territorial disputes with China'sofficial map on Natuna. The U-shaped line at China's official map actuallybecame challenges for Global Maritime Axis idea and Indonesia foreignpolicy under Jokowi-JK administration.Keyword: Global Maritime Axis, South China Sea, Foreign Policy


2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Mohamad Rosyidin

South China Sea conflict is one of the most destabilizing factors in Southeast Asia. Despite it has occured for long time period, there has not been major wars among occupants. This puzzle challenges realist particularly ofense-defense theory stating that when perception of victory is greater than defeat, it will lead to war. China’s military capability is far greater than any contry in the region. Yet, China does not intent to attack others. Assumption that China is an offensive and hegemonic nation is not in accordance with reality. Material-based explanation cannot account for China’s foreign policy. This article seeks to explain why South China Sea conflict does not lead to war between occupants. Using constructivism in international relations, this article argues that China’s domestic norms of national security plays great role which constitute its foreign policy character. Norms of cooperative security or hezuo anquan which is rooted from Confucian culture emphasize on harmony and cooperation that generate self-restraint diplomacy. As a result, China would not employ its military power to solve South China Sea conflict. This article concludes that norms held by country constitute its interest and in turn guide state’s policy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 235 ◽  
pp. 735-757 ◽  
Author(s):  
Audrye Wong

AbstractMost analyses of China's foreign and security policies treat China as a unitary actor, assuming a cohesive grand strategy articulated by Beijing. I challenge this conventional wisdom, showing how Chinese provinces can affect the formulation and implementation of foreign policy. This contributes to existing research on the role of subnational actors in China, which has focused on how they shape domestic and economic policies. Using Hainan and Yunnan as case studies, I identify three mechanisms of provincial influence – trailblazing, carpetbagging, and resisting – and illustrate them with examples of key provincial policies. This analysis provides a more nuanced argument than is commonly found in international relations for the motivations behind evolving and increasingly activist Chinese foreign policy. It also has important policy implications for understanding and responding to Chinese behaviour, in the South China Sea and beyond.


2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-358
Author(s):  
Renato Cruz De Castro

Focusing on the Philippines’ changing foreign policy agendas on the South China Sea dispute, this article examines the limitations of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ (ASEAN) intergovernmental approach in addressing security challenges in the Indo-Pacific region. It contends that former President Benigno Aquino III tried to harness this regional organisation in his balancing policy vis-à-vis China’s maritime expansion in the South China Sea. On the contrary, President Rodrigo Duterte promoted his appeasement policy on China when he became the ASEAN’s chairperson in 2017, and pushed for the elusive passage of the ASEAN–China Code of Conduct in 2019. In conclusion, the article scrutinises the implications of this shift in the Philippines’ foreign policy for the ASEAN, and raises the need for this regional organisation to rethink its intergovernmental approach to the security challenges posed by the changing geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific region.


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