scholarly journals Mengapa tidak berperang? Norma Politik Luar Negeri Cina dan Konflik Laut Cina Selatan

2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Mohamad Rosyidin

South China Sea conflict is one of the most destabilizing factors in Southeast Asia. Despite it has occured for long time period, there has not been major wars among occupants. This puzzle challenges realist particularly ofense-defense theory stating that when perception of victory is greater than defeat, it will lead to war. China’s military capability is far greater than any contry in the region. Yet, China does not intent to attack others. Assumption that China is an offensive and hegemonic nation is not in accordance with reality. Material-based explanation cannot account for China’s foreign policy. This article seeks to explain why South China Sea conflict does not lead to war between occupants. Using constructivism in international relations, this article argues that China’s domestic norms of national security plays great role which constitute its foreign policy character. Norms of cooperative security or hezuo anquan which is rooted from Confucian culture emphasize on harmony and cooperation that generate self-restraint diplomacy. As a result, China would not employ its military power to solve South China Sea conflict. This article concludes that norms held by country constitute its interest and in turn guide state’s policy.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  

On July 16th, 2020, the Canadian Association for Security and Intelligence Studies (CASIS) Vancouver hosted its third digital roundtable event of the year, COVID-19: China’s Foreign Policy in the South China Sea. The presentation was conducted by guest speaker Mr. Brett Witthoeft, senior analyst in N39 International Engagement, at Maritime Forces Pacific (MARPAC) HQ at CFB Esquimalt, Canada’s west coast naval formation. Mr. Witthoeft’s presentation gave an overview of the South China Sea (SCS) and its importance as well as how this fits into the larger picture to the rest of the world. Subsequently, Mr. Witthoeft answered questions submitted by the audience, which focused on the ramifications of the SCS conflicts. APA Citation CASIS Vancouver. (2020). COVID-19: China’s foreign policy in the South China Sea. The Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare, 3(2), 54-60. https://journals.lib.sfu.ca/index.php/jicw/article/view/2408/1817.


Author(s):  
Agung Banyu Perwita ◽  
Marella Putri

<p>The South China Sea dispute has its roots decades ago, but tensions have been increasing among the six claimants in recent years, based on each claimants own foreign policy claiming overlapping territory with each other and claimants conducting military activities in the area. Xi Jinping, the leader of the People’s Republic of China, takes a major role in making China’s foreign policy, including the territorial dispute in the South China Sea. Since his leadership, reportedly, more assertive measures had been taken by China, especially with Vietnam as one of the most vocal claimants. This paper explains China’s strategic environment focusing on China's foreign policy planks and U.S. Rebalance Policy in the Asia-Pacific, China’s foreign policy purpose in the South China Sea dispute, and finally analyzes how they are processed by Xi Jinping’s idiosyncratic factors in making the most rational decision of foreign policy towards Vietnam regarding the South China Sea dispute (2012–2016). This research finds that the influence of external parties in the region has resulted in Xi Jinping resorting to making foreign policy – from being assertive to more cooperative – which has the purpose of maintaining its bilateral relations with Vietnam as it is a rational decision to maintain China’s status quo in the dispute.</p><p><strong>Bahasa Abstrak: </strong>Perselisihan di Laut Tiongkok Selatan telah berakar sejak beberapa dekade yang lalu, namun ketegangan telah semakin meningkat  dalam beberapa tahun terakhir ini, dimana masing negara ‘claimants’ memiliki kebijakan luar negerinya sendiri untuk mengklaim wilayah yang saling tumpang tindih dan di saat bersamaan juga melakukan aktivitas  militer di daerah tersebut. Xi Jinping, Presiden RRT, memiliki peran yang sangat  besar dalam pembuatan kebijakan luar negeri Tiongkok, termasuk dalam perselisihan teritorial di Laut Tiongkok Selatan. Sejak kepemimpinannya, tindakan yang lebih tegas telah dilakukan oleh Tiongkok, terutama terhadap Vietnam sebagai salah satu penggugat yang paling vokal. Tulisan ini menjelaskan lingkungan strategis Tiongkok yang memfokuskan pada  kebijakan luar negeri Tiongkok dan Kebijakan “Rebalance” AS di Asia Pasifik, tujuan kebijakan luar negeri Tiongkok dalam perselisihan Laut Tiongkok Selatan, dan akhirnya menganalisis bagaimana faktor-faktor tersebut dipertimbangkan oleh Xi Jinping dalam pembuatan rasionalitas kebijakan luar negerinya terhadap Vietnam dalam perselisihan Laut Tiongkok Selatan (2012 - 2016). Tulisan ini menyimpulkan bahwa pengaruh pihak luar di wilayah tersebut telah mengakibatkan Xi Jinping beralih untuk membuat kebijakan luar negeri - dari bersikap asertif hingga lebih kooperatif - yang bertujuan untuk mempertahankan hubungan bilateralnya dengan Vietnam yang menjadi keputusan paling rasional untuk mempertahankan status quo Tiongkok dalam perselisihan tersebut.</p><p> </p><p><br /><br /></p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 161-191
Author(s):  
Robert Joseph Medillo

Abstract Why and how did the Philippine Congress intervene in the policies of Arroyo (hedging), Aquino III (balancing), and Duterte (appeasement) on the South China Sea disputes? In particular, why and how did the Philippine Congress challenge each president’s attempt to forge either cooperation or confrontation towards China? Guided by the domestic politics – foreign policy nexus, this article explores the dynamic role of the Philippine Congress in the country’s foreign policy process. It combines comparative case-study and content analysis methods to examine relevant congressional records, government documents, public speeches, and news reports. This article finds that the impetus behind Congress’ intervention was to seek accountability, legitimacy, and transparency via registering a bill or passing a law, filing legislative resolutions, holding congressional hearings, calling for impeachment proceedings, delivering privilege speeches, and issuing press releases. This article offers its empirical and theoretical contributions to broaden current understanding of the relationship between domestic politics and foreign policy.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Wishnu Mahendra Wiswayana

In recent years situation on the South China Sea facing an escalationcondition, especially affected from China maritime activities. That conditionemerged when China put South China Sea territory at China's official map,which called 9/10/11 dashed line or u-shaped line. This paper addresses theIndonesian Government respond about territorial disputes with China'sofficial map on Natuna. The U-shaped line at China's official map actuallybecame challenges for Global Maritime Axis idea and Indonesia foreignpolicy under Jokowi-JK administration.Keyword: Global Maritime Axis, South China Sea, Foreign Policy


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-207
Author(s):  
Febry Triantama ◽  
Yoga Pangestu

The Singapore government since 2000 has stated their goals to have a strong and capable Singapore Armed Forces (SAF). The urgency of having a strong and capable SAF cannot be separated from the multidimensional threats that Singapore has to deal with. China's growing military capability coupled with increased aggressiveness in the South China Sea and relations with two conflicting neighbors are examples of traditional threats facing Singapore. Non-traditional threats, especially terrorism, also haunt Singapore. This article argues that the Revolution in Military Affairs implemented by Singapore is the mitigation of such strategic disadvantage. Through the implementation of the Revolution in Military Affairs which was marked by the acquisition of advanced weaponry technology and followed by changes in military doctrine and organizational adaptation, the SAF has already been transformed into a powerful military in the region.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wen Xu ◽  
Yeqiang Shu ◽  
Dongxiao Wang ◽  
Ju Chen ◽  
Jinghong Wang ◽  
...  

This study reveals the features of the strong intraseasonal variability (ISV) of the upper-layer current in the northern South China Sea (NSCS) based on four long-time mooring observations and altimeter data. The ISV of the upper-layer current in the NSCS consists of two dominant periods of 10–65 days and 65–110 days. The ISV with period of 10–65 days is much strong in the Luzon Strait and decays rapidly westward along the slope. The ISV with the period of 65–110 days is relatively strong along the slope with two high cores at 115 and 119°E, whereas it is weak in the Luzon Strait. The 10–65-day ISV can propagate directly from the western Pacific into the NSCS for most of the time. However, due to its long wavelength, the 65–110-day ISV propagates into the NSCS indirectly, possibly similar to the wave diffraction phenomenon. The spatial differences between the two main frequency bands are primarily due to the baroclinic and barotropic instabilities. The spatial distribution of the upper-layer ISV is closely associated with the mesoscale eddy radius of the NSCS. The eddy radius is directly proportional to the strength of 65–110-day ISV, but it is inversely proportional to the strength of 10–65-day ISV.


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