Outlaw Bikers Between Identity Politics and Civil Rights

Author(s):  
Tereza Kuldova
Author(s):  
Ali M angera

We live in a time of great anxiety and change; a time of shifting allegiances where the certainties upon which we have relied have simply vanished. Our once familiar political landscape is in flux; pandemics, civil rights, China, Brexit, Trump, interminable wars and nationalism, have led us to seek answers in ways that are simple and easy to understand. The fingerprints of identity politics are everywhere.


2005 ◽  
Vol 67 ◽  
pp. 22-25
Author(s):  
Mae M. Ngai

A set of politics that uses rhetoric, imagery, music, and performance to promote interests that are distinctively and explicitly identified with the working class, Burgmann productively suggests, might revitalize the labor movement. Yet the effort to apply lessons from “identity politics” to “class politics” reproduces two problems in contemporary radicalism. First, by reducing the movements of ethno-racial minorities, women, and gays and lesbians to “identity politics” Burgmann underestimates those movements' claims to civil rights, human rights, socioeconomic improvement, and their general democratic nature. Second, the use of “class” to explain the antiglobalization movement is anachronistic and inadequate to the task of understanding radical politics today.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sofía García-Beyaert

After presenting the concept of communicative autonomy and how it can help professionals with ethical decision-making (micro), I draw on two different visual examples to analyze framing strategies for the profession by society at large (macro). One strategy relies on experiences of identity and belonging, while the other moves away from considerations of identity. I discuss what their respective advantages and disadvantages might be. I connect these strategies to the concept of “identity politics” and its counterpart “identity override”. For the final step of this article, I resort to some examples of groups that have made progress in the political agenda with their civil rights claims. It helps me make the case for a bi-faceted strategy for the advancement of community interpreting that both leverages identity group dynamics and is simultaneously able to appeal to the overarching concept of communicative autonomy.


Author(s):  
Nizan Shaked

This chapter asks how a precisely articulated set of practices, defined by artists in the 1960s as Conceptual Art, evolve into a broad notion of conceptualism, and how the latter had expanded into its present forms. It shows how, in the United States context, some of the most important strategies of conceptualism developed through the influence of contemporaneous politics, more specifically the transition from Civil Rights into Black Power, the New Left, the anti-war movement, feminism, and gay liberation, as well as what later came to be collectively named “identity politics” in the 1970s. A range of artists who have self-defined as conceptualists synthesised Conceptual analytic approaches with an outlook on identity formation as a means of political agency, and not as a representation of the self, a strategy that significantly expanded in the 1970s. Two major aspects of identity politics have impacted the field. The first, activist and administrative, consisted of protests against existing institutions, the developments of action groups and collectives, and the subsequent formulation of alternative spaces. The second was the bearing that it had on artistic strategy, form, and subject matter. This chapter focuses on practices that took a critical outlook on identity formation.


Author(s):  
Nizan Shaked

The introduction addresses two intersecting trajectories in American art between the late 1960s and the early twenty-first-century century. On the one hand, it traces the ways in which disciplinary Conceptual Art, with a capital “C”, expanded into the diverse set of practices that have been characterised generally as conceptualism. On the other hand, it shows how the expansion of a critical conceptualism has been strongly informed by the turbulent rights-based politics of the 1960s. Initially, first generation Conceptual artists responded to preceding art movements within disciplinary boundaries, examining the definition of art itself and engaging abstract concerns. Artists then applied the basic principles of Conceptual Art to address a range of social and political issues. This development reflects the influence of Civil Rights, Black Power, the student movement, the anti-war movement, second wave feminism, and the gay liberation movement. Central in the American context, the multiple identity-based mobilisations that came to be known as “identity politics” were further articulated in the 1970s. The artists addressed in this book: Adrian Piper, Joseph Kosuth, David Hammons, Renée Green, Mary Kelly, Martha Rosler, Silvia Kolbowski, Daniel Joseph Martinez, Lorna Simpson, Andrea Fraser, Hans Haacke, and Charles Gaines expanded the propositions of Conceptual Art.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4-1) ◽  
pp. 162-190
Author(s):  
Irina Zhezhko-Braun ◽  

The article analyzes the emergence of a new political class or elite in the United States, which is called the minority elite. This article is the first in a series dedicated to this topic. The author formulates three interrelated prerequisites that have caused the emergence of the new elite: the spread of the Affirmative Action (AA) to all spheres of public life and, above all, to the education system; the phenomenon of “woke” capitalism; a long history of minority protest movements. Experts take the current protests for a revolution; the author proves the opposite statement: protests are a direct consequence and one of the stages of a step-by-step revolution. Its roots lie in the long-term training of personnel for the revolution and social technologies for it, in the creation of financial, informational and organizational infrastructures of protest movements, and in moral defeat and the surrender of the intellectual class. Over the decades, hundreds of protest movements of various sizes have been co-organized in the United States and dozens of professional protest organizations have been formed. One of them, Black Lives Matter, has its own program, strategy, tactics and a solid budget. The goal of the organization is to create its own ruling elite. The Protestant (WASP) elite ruled the country for more than two centuries, in the second half of the 20th century it was replaced by the so-called intellectual elite. Harvard University, by its decision to raise the level of acceptance tests in the 1960s, spawned new, intellectual elite, California universities, by abolishing tests in the 2010-2020s, bring to power a new social group – the beneficiaries of the AA. The black movement is confidently entering the final phase of its development – the placement of its representatives in state and federal authorities, political parties and other social institutions. Ideologues of identity politics, primarily racial, have arrogated to themselves the position of mentors and experts on social justice and the protectors of civil rights in society. Other protest organizations have joined the BLM, with socialist-oriented organizations in the lead. These organizations have effectively “hijacked” a wave of protests and are already working on a socialist agenda for the Biden-Harris administration, if elected.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Kuriakose ◽  
Deepa Iyer

<p>This paper examines how the LGBT movement has prioritised identity politics and human rights discourse to gain legal equality and non-discrimination in employment and social policy in many parts of the world. The legalist approach taken so far has marginalised more radical possibilities of resistance by rendering diverse identities and intersectionality invisible. Furthermore, it has also given ammunition to counter mobilisation led by the religious right and cultural nationalism to dictate terms of the debate leading to political and judicial backlash. In this context, historical examination of the LGBT movement in comparison with civil rights movement and local case-studies gives three trajectories of ‘lost’ possibilities, a new context and significance. These possibilities are (i) limiting the forces of counter mobilisation to set the agenda for LGBT politics, (ii) reframing LGBT identity issues by expanding priorities, and, (iii) returning to every day politics of resistance to question normativity. This paper argues that such a revitalisation allows grassroots to be organically connected with agenda setting and enables a critique of macro-institutions through micro politics. Such a development has potential to usher a new age of LGBT resistance beyond legalism. </p>


Author(s):  
Renee Heberle

This chapter traces the history of and various meanings captured by the phrase “the personal is political” in the United States. It begins with an explanation of the use of the phrase by young civil rights activists who were struggling with the abstraction of critical theory and the authoritarian qualities of culture. The chapter tracks the phrase through into the early days of feminism in the late 1960s and early 1970s when second-wave feminists began to challenge the violence and oppressions experienced by women in the private realm. The chapter then highlights how “the personal is political” is related to the emergence of identity politics and the theorizing of difference within feminism. The conclusion offers some observations about contemporary uses and abuses of the phrase by those who identify as feminists in the popular sphere.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-116
Author(s):  
George A. Seaver ◽  

It is now apparent even to traditional civil rights advocates that the well-meaning effort to be inclusive has degenerated into identity politics and its violent offspring in universities, the judicial system, and public education. Reviewing these institutions, it is necessary to return to what civil rights were intended to be, to their inherent part of the original “extended republic” concept used by James Madison. Prior to the U.S. Constitution, republican forms of government were considered appropriate only for limited, homogeneous populations, or city-states. The extension to a large republic in terms of population and land area, to multitudinous factions, was Madison’s greatest contribution to the Constitution and the long-term “exceptionalism” of the U.S. republic. The widely-held belief that attention to minorities began in the 1960s with the “Civil Rights Revolution” is wrong as demonstrated by the extended republic’s dependence on them and its success. The multiplicity and competition of factions, sects, and interests, the greater the multiplicity the greater the security, was the reason for this success, and government interference was considered harmful to this end. To help us return to that concept is the purpose of this essay.


2005 ◽  
Vol 67 ◽  
pp. 26-32
Author(s):  
Linda Gordon

Verity Burgmann's condemnation of identity politics is unhelpful, because it is moralistic and ahistorical. Its assumptions take us back to a time before the civil rights, New Left, women's, and gay movements reinvented the Left so as to articulate their aspirations and grievances.


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