Transnational Citizens’ Initiative – How Modern Direct Democracy can make the European Union a Better Place for Minorities

2012 ◽  
pp. 230-244
Author(s):  
Bruno Kaufmann
2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 525-540 ◽  
Author(s):  
FURIO CERUTTI

The rejection of the symbolically rather than institutionally innovative Constitutional Treaty in France and the Netherlands as well as the show of disunity in the European Council of mid June 2005 signal the end of a long cycle, culminating in the 1990s, in which the transformation of the European Union into a full-fledged political actor seemed to be possible. For decades ahead there will be no European polity capable of powerfully co-determining the governance of globalization. This was made possible by the rarely debated democratic deficit that makes one people or government decide on issues of general European interest and uncritically glorifies direct democracy, thus opening the door to populism.The comedy of errors which saw a majority of French citizens voting for domestic motivations, instead of focusing on the actual European issues go back to underlying troubles in contemporary democracy, but also to the contradiction inherent to the attempt to give the functional-bureaucratic EU of ‘Brussels’ a broad democratic legitimization. Rather than the now dead Constitution, it is the experience of the Europeans with common high-political acts of economic and security policy that may in the future foster their political identity in the framework of cultural diversity.


Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries ◽  
Sara B. Hobolt ◽  
Sven-Oliver Proksch ◽  
Jonathan B. Slapin

This chapter starts off with an overview of the institutions that decide how citizens cast ballots, firstly, in elections, and secondly, directly for policy. The former is related to electoral systems and the latter to direct democracy. The chapter considers the implications of these institutions for party systems and political representation from the view point of the principal–agent framework. There is a large variety of electoral systems used in Europe. Most elections are held using the system of proportional representation. However, there are important institutional differences that need to be remembered. The chapter then goes on to examine the effects of electoral systems on the party system. This is carried out with electoral change over time in mind. Finally, the chapter turns to direct democracy and analyses the use of referendums, specifically with regard to the question of the European Union (EU).


Author(s):  
Matt Qvortrup

Referendums have been defined as popular votes on bills before they become laws. However, referendums can also be held on existing laws or constitutions (as in the cases of the British referendum on membership in the European Union in 2016 or the Irish vote on abortion in 2017). In addition to these types, there are initiatives, defined as popular votes on laws proposed by the citizens, and plebiscites, which are votes by the whole population in authoritarian states. Scholars have sometimes disagreed as to the definition of referendums. Some have adopted the general umbrella term MDD (Mechanisms of Direct Democracy) to cover all these different types of institutionalized direct or semidirect democracy. But the word referendum has been used as the general signifier.


2021 ◽  
pp. 95-107
Author(s):  
Marcin Łukaszewski

The subject of the article is the issue of using the institutions of direct democracy in the process of shaping the directions of a very specific element of foreign policy – relations with the European Union, of which San Marino is not a member. While most of the referenda related to the European Union concern the accession of countries to this organization, the vote in 2013 was of a slightly different nature. Therefore, the author attempts to indicate how the use of the instruments of direct democracy by citizens, in a way in opposition to the institution of indirect democracy (parliament and its dependent government), can contribute to the decision-makers making political decisions desired by citizens, even in seemingly rather unusual (apart from the aforementioned accession referenda) for direct democracy, spheres as the directions of foreign policy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Malcolm Harvey

Resumen: Consultar e involucrar a la población se ha vuelto habitual en los últimos años. El Reino Unido, que no cuenta con una constitución codificada, ha utilizado el referéndum para decidir sobre diversas cuestiones constitucionales, siendo la más reciente la consulta sobre la permanencia del Reino Unido en la Unión Europea en junio de 2016. Este artículo explora la experiencia escocesa de referenda, examinando el fallido referéndum de devolución de 1979, su repetición exitosa en 1997, y el referéndum de independencia de 2014, en el que los escoceses, de forma aparentemente decisiva, decidieron quedarse en el Reino Unido. Este artículo argumenta que, aunque en cada ocasión fueron las consideraciones políticas, más que los principios, los que llevaron al uso del referéndum, defensores de la democracia directa y activistas y defensores de casos similares pueden aprender algunas lecciones de todas ellas. Palabras clave: Escocia, Referenda, Devolución, Independencia. Abstract: Consulting and engaging with the public has become vogue in recent years.  The United Kingdom, without a codified constitution, has utilised the referendum to decide upon constitutional issues, with the vote to leave the European Union in June 2016 the most recent of these.  This article explores the Scottish experience of referendums, examining the failed devolution referendum of 1979, the reversal of this decision in 1997, and the independence referendum of 2014, in which Scots, apparently decisively, voted to remain in the UK.  This article argues that, though on each occasion political considerations rather than principle led to the use of referendums, there are lessons to be learned from each, both for proponents of direct democracy and for campaigners and activists in similar cases.Keywords: Scotland, Referendums, Devolution, Independence


Author(s):  
Isabelle Hertner

This concluding chapter first summarises the key findings of this book. It states that European integration - as an external constraint - cannot be made solely responsible for the erosion of intra-party democracy. Rather, it argues that the three centre-left parties have (to varying degrees) missed the opportunity to adapt their organisations to this multi-level reality. Despite recent attempts by the leaderships of the three parties to empower the grassroots, for example through the use of referendums and policy consultations, deep and meaningful debates on the European Union remain rare. As a consequence, the broader party organisations lack EU-savvy and the means to scrutinise the leadership. The chapter then reflects on intra-party democracy, power dynamics and accountability inside the parties of the centre-left. It argues that assembly-based modes of decision-making are slower and more cumbersome, but more suitable than direct democracy, when it comes to EU matters. Last but not least, this chapter highlights the current challenges faced by the centre-left in Europe, such as the lack of a coherent EU narrative and the adoption of right-wing policies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 181-198
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Daniel

THE EUROPEAN CITIZENS’ INITIATIVE — UNTAPPED POTENTIAL IN POLAND?The activity of citizens in the modern world goes far beyond the borders of nation-states. Decisions taken at other levels, e.g. in the European Union, are increasingly affecting the quality of life. The conviction about the imperfection of the functioning of democracy in the European Union was the main reason for starting the debate on the introduction of direct democracy instruments. The discussion on the role of the European Citizens’ Initiative indicated the possibility of increasing the level of participation in political life or building a conscious civil society. The citizens’ initiative was introduced by Article 114 of the Treaty on European Union, followed by the implementation of the European Parliament and Council Regulation on the Citizens’ Initiative of 16 February 2011. The implementation of the European Citizens’ Initiative was seen as an opportunity to increase public acceptance of the process of further European integration. The lapse of seven years since the introduction of this solution seems to be a good opportunity to assess its effectiveness. The article points to the basic theoretical issues related to democracy. Subsequently, the procedure for conducting the European Citizens’ Initiative is characterized. Another issue raised is the awareness of Poles about this issue — based on their own research. In the final part, the conclusions and basic problems in the functioning of this solution of direct democracy in Europe are indicated. These problems include little knowledge and awareness of the existence of European citizens’ initiatives among citizens of the Member States and national institutions. It is far from using its full potential in terms of political solutions. Perhaps there is also a lack of involvement of citizens, or the lack of real influence on the adoption of the project discourages European society. In addition, there are differences in the mentality of the various nations of the Member States and problems related to financing. The mere fact of being able to use such a solution deserves recognition.


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