A new role for municipal councils in Dutch local democracy?

Author(s):  
Bas Denters ◽  
Pieter-Jan Klok
Keyword(s):  
FORUM ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 335
Author(s):  
Clyde Chitty
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Stéphane A. Dudoignon

Since 2002, Sunni jihadi groups have been active in Iranian Baluchistan without managing to plunge the region into chaos. This book suggests that a reason for this, besides Tehran’s military responses, has been the quality of Khomeini and Khamenei’s relationship with a network of South-Asia-educated Sunni ulama (mawlawis) originating from the Sarbaz oasis area, in the south of Baluchistan. Educated in the religiously reformist, socially conservative South Asian Deoband School, which puts the madrasa at the centre of social life, the Sarbazi ulama had taken advantage, in Iranian territory, of the eclipse of Baluch tribal might under the Pahlavi monarchy (1925-79). They emerged then as a bulwark against Soviet influence and progressive ideologies, before rallying to Khomeini in 1979. Since the turn of the twenty-first century, they have been playing the role of a rampart against Salafi propaganda and Saudi intrigues. The book shows that, through their alliance with an Iranian Kurdish-born Muslim-Brother movement and through the promotion of a distinct ‘Sunni vote’, they have since the early 2000s contributed towards – and benefitted from – the defence by the Reformist presidents Khatami (1997-2005) and Ruhani (since 2013) of local democracy and of the minorities’ rights. They endeavoured to help, at the same time, preventing the propagation of jihadism and Sunni radicalisation to Iran – at least until the ISIS/Daesh-claimed attacks of June 2017, in Tehran, shed light on the limits of the Islamic Republic’s strategy of reliance on Deobandi ulama and Muslim-Brother preachers in the country’s Sunni-peopled peripheries.


Data in Brief ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 107039
Author(s):  
Pavel Šaradín ◽  
Tomáš Lebeda ◽  
Jakub Lysek ◽  
Michal Soukop ◽  
Daniela Ostrá ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442110025
Author(s):  
Claire Hancock

This paper questions the ‘seeing like a city’ vs. ‘seeing like a state’ opposition through a detailed discussion of urban politics in the city of Paris, France, a prime example of the ways in which the national remains a driving dimension of city life. This claim is examined by a consideration of the shortcomings of Paris’s recent and timid commitment local democracy, lacking recognition of the diversity of its citizens, and the ways in which the inclusion of more women in decision-making arenas has failed to advance the ‘feminization of politics’. A common factor in these defining features of the Hidalgo administration seems to be the prevalence of ‘femonationalism’ and its influence over municipal policy-making.


2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tuukka Saarimaa ◽  
Janne Tukiainen

The efficiencyof local public goods provision and the functioning of local democracy crucially depend on the size and number of local jurisdictions. This article empirically analyzes voluntary municipal mergers in Finland. Our main focus is on aspects that have been somewhat neglected in prior empirical work: whether local democracy considerations, representation and voter preferences are involved in shaping the resulting municipal structure. The main results imply that some municipalities are forced to merge due to fiscal pressure and have to trade off political power to be accepted by their partners. The study also finds that the median voter's distance from services matters, while population size does not. The latter, somewhat surprising, observation is possibly explained by existing municipal co-operation, which already exhausts potential economies of scale.


2005 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 81-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
David H. Laslo ◽  
Dennis R. Judd

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 142-163
Author(s):  
Ahmad Siboy

The purpose of this reseach is to describe the factors and implications of the proliferation of political dynasties and to find designs to create dynastic politics that do not conflict with the spirit of local democracy in Indonesia. The problem of this research is the factors and implications that make politics flourish in simultaneous Pilkada and the ideal dynastic political design. The research method used is normative juridical through the concept of an approach, legislation, case approach and historical approach. The results showed that dynastic politics mushroomed because the regional head as the ruler was unable to run again, the ruler at the national level wanted to use his power to place family members as rulers at the regional level. As a result, many candidates for regional heads are nominated without the competence and willingness to become regional heads. The ideal dynastic political design can be achieved with the requirements to be declared valid as a candidate for regional head as well as regulations that prevent unqualified regional head candidates from fulfilling formal or legal requirements as regional head candidates.


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