local elections
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2022 ◽  
Vol 94 ◽  
pp. 102559
Author(s):  
Maciej A. Górecki ◽  
Sławomir Bartnicki ◽  
Maciej Alimowski

Significance Assembly members are elected indirectly. Last July, Sher Bahadur Deuba was appointed prime minister in line with a Supreme Court order. Deuba’s multi-party coalition has a sizeable majority in the House of Representatives, parliament’s lower house, and a comfortable one in the National Assembly. Impacts If local elections take place in May as currently planned, they will serve as a barometer of public sentiment towards the leading parties. KP Sharma Oli, whom Deuba replaced as premier, will be eyeing a return to power. Politicking risks distracting the government from pursuing important policy goals.


Patan Pragya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (02) ◽  
pp. 35-55
Author(s):  
Dipendra Bikram Sijapati

This paper is based on qualitative methods and discusses women's struggle for equal political participation, currently successful in the political representation of gender in Nepal. The aim of this paper is to examine the establishing equal representation in all sectors of elected government and to find out the inclusive participation of male and female in Nepalese, politics and parliament in together. It is based on completely secondary sources of data through the published in different governmental (election commission, 2074) and non-governmental organization. Nepal has been undergoing tremendous socio-political transformations over the past three decades, unitary to federal and monarchical government to the current republican political system; Nepali women have established themselves as key actors of socio-political changes. Nepali women began their struggle during the Rana Regime and advanced since the 1950s, by engaging both in popular peaceful political movements to armed insurgency and parliamentary competition with their male political counterparts. As a result, latest constitution of Nepal ensured 33% of seats are guaranteed to the parliaments and all other government positions as well as provision of male-female alternates eat provisions. As a result, from the national and local elections of 2017-18, women have come to occupy 41.8 percent political positions across the country. One of the key factors to ensure higher and meaningful participation of women in politics was these favorable electoral provisions. Women have demonstrated success in achieving higher participation in political positions. However, what has been achieved so far is not enough and continued rigorous action among all actors is essential.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
Jack Lucas ◽  
R. Michael Mcgregor
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 168-187
Author(s):  
Tomasz Czapiewski ◽  
◽  
Monika Woźniak ◽  
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
pp. 63-84
Author(s):  
Piotr Chrobak

Western Pomerania was said to be called as a stronghold of the left, for the Democratic Left Alliance both in the 1990s and at the beginning of the 21st century achieved some of the best results in the country. Only after the parliamentary and presidential elections in 2005 and the local government elections in 2006, the electoral preferences changed towards the center of the political scene. The Civic Platform of the Republic of Poland turned out to be the change, Law and Justice to a lesser extent. The article presents a political analysis of the voting preferences of the inhabitants of West Pomerania in the local government elections with regard to the three mentioned parties. The aim of the research was to analyze the direction in which the electorate goes. It was checked whether the SLD was permanently eliminated and how strong the dominance of the PO was. Furthermore it was examined whether PiS is a real threat to the PO RP and whether the SLD has a chance to regain its lost position. It seems that regardless of the attempts made, the position of the SLD after the 2006 elections is stable and there are no indications that the Alliance could dominate the analyzed region again. However, in spite of the fact that since 2006 the PO enjoys high support, since 2014 PiS has been achieving better and better results, depriving the PO RP hegemon in its position in 2006–2014.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (20) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
R. V. Vaksman

For the first time in Ukraine, the definition of «political advertising» is reflected in the Law of Ukraine «On Elections of People’s Deputies», so far only on the basis of the definition of «advertising» in the Law of Ukraine «On Advertising» it was possible to qualify political advertising as any information about political actors, political parties, designed to raise awareness of their activities. The mechanism of legal regulation of political advertising involves the development and adoption of national laws and regulations governing public relations arising in the process of production, placement, distribution of political advertising, because in this case may affect the interests of society and the state as a whole. Today the issue of political advertising is regulated by several legal acts, in particular in Article 1 of the Law of Ukraine «On Advertising» provides only the definition of such advertising without details, the Law of Ukraine «On Local Elections», the Law of Ukraine «On Elections of Deputies of Ukraine», the Electoral Code Ukraine’s norms stipulate the peculiarities of campaigning in the form of political advertising, some restrictions on campaigning, etc. Therefore, the legislation should be characterized by the dispersion of norms on such advertising and inconsistency in the definition of «campaigning» and «political advertising. Therefore, it is suggested to get acquainted in detail with such a phenomenon as political advertising. The article focuses on the existence in the literature of different approaches to the definition of «political advertising» of its essence, considers the distinction between «political advertising» and «election campaigning», as well as analyzes current legislation and the current state of the legal regulation of this type of advertising


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Katia Mihailova ◽  

The paper presents results of media monitoring during the election campaigns held in Bulgaria between 2014 and 2019 – after the adoption of the new Electoral Code in 2014 until the last local elections in 2019. The main research question is to what extent the media as mediators in the election campaigns know, respect and comply with the legal regulations concerning their activities during such campaigns. The results outline the models of legal socialization of the Fourth Estate in the election campaigns. They also show patterns of compliance and violation of the legal framework. In addition, they reflect the way in which the media work to change the regulations in question. The research sample included between 117 and 180 media service providers in various election campaigns. There were representatives of all media subfields – traditional media, new media, yellow media, brown media, Prokopiev’s media, Peevski’s media, as well as Russian and American “propaganda media”. The period of research includes almost two full election cycles ‒ two parliamentary elections, two European elections, two local elections, and one presidential election which was held after the clear definition of the legal framework for media in the 2014 Electoral Code. No changes were made to this framework during the study and prior to the publication of this paper. This leads to conclusions regarding the electoral legislation and the regulation of the media system in the electoral process.


SERIEs ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Riccardo Ciacci ◽  
Ana Garcia-Hernandez ◽  
Jorge García-Hombrados ◽  
Laura Gismera ◽  
Antonio Núñez-Partido

AbstractUsing a regression discontinuity design and primary elections to select Spanish Socialist Party (PSOE) mayoral candidates as a case study, this paper investigates the causal link between primary elections and electoral outcomes. The results suggest that selecting the PSOE’s mayoral candidate through primary elections has no effect on the percentage of votes and total votes received by the PSOE’s candidate in local elections, the probability of gaining the mayorship and the local government’s stability. On the other hand, the results suggest that PSOE’s primary elections result in increased votes for competing political parties to the right of the PSOE and in reduced votes for competing parties to the left of the PSOE.


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