Mining the Web to Monitor the Political Consensus

Author(s):  
Federico Neri ◽  
Carlo Aliprandi ◽  
Furio Camillo
2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 635-663 ◽  
Author(s):  
James C. Schopf

Abstract Democratisation has brought a new, riskier pattern of corruption to Korea. More groups and institutions have secured a role in a more inclusive democratic policy making process. As a result, corruption schemes now require the consent of a wide and diverse set of veto players, often including the political opposition, producing expansive democratic ‘corruption webs’. The key democratic element of competition for votes rewards opposition members in the web for blowing the whistle. Increased likelihood of exposure and punishment deter many from corruption, which has subsequently declined in Korea under democracy, as measured by perception polls, experience surveys and objective measures of elite rent exchange. The Roh Moo-hyeon NACF scandals demonstrate that democratic corruption webs also mitigate damage from scandals — forcing participants to limit rent exchange to minimise exposure to clean veto players. Democratic oversight ensures that even bribe-taking officials implement policy according to publicly-declared objectives. Finally, competition for votes encourages timely exposure of democratic corruption rackets.


1995 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone Neri Serneri

The de-legitimisation of the Italian political system that culminated in the upheavals of the late 1980s has permitted a very public re-examination of the meaning and significance of both the Fascist regime and the Resistance to it. Although debates between historians had already begun over these issues, they have been thrust into the media spotlight now that the political consensus surrounding their interpretation has collapsed. The following two articles examine both the content and conduct of these debates, and consider the extent to which they have contributed to a reassessment of the history of these periods. Naturally the opinions expressed in these articles are solely those of the authors themselves: Contemporary European History would welcome further comments and contributions concerning this rethinking of the contemporary Italian experience.


Author(s):  
Keren Sereno

This chapter sheds light onto theoretical and empirical debates regarding the nature hyperlink as a political tool: whether the hyperlink is part of the “offline world” or should be considered as a new and separate form of practice, mainly due to its low cost and easy construction. The chapter contributes to the present literature in two innovative ways: First, based on link analysis between 90 Websites of protest Israeli NGO, a classification of link strategies was made, and 4 different linking strategies were found: Isolation, Introversion, Neighborliness, and Generalization. Furthermore, this chapter analyzes 15 protest issues and is not focused only on a single issue network. Second, 29 in-depth interviews were conduct and enable a sketch of the “offline link analysis map” and a comparison of the online policies with the offline policies. In order to understand the choice of the organization linking strategy over the others, and the decision to which exactly other organizations/Websites link to, one must remember that the Web is only one arena where the political actors operate. Therefore, the in-depth interviews not only reveal the causes affecting the hyperlinks selection and strategy in each organization but also reveal similarities between the organizations with overlap linking strategy.


2016 ◽  
pp. 1157-1172
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bishop ◽  
Lisa Mannay

Wales is the “land of the poets so soothing to me,” according to its national anthem. The political and economic landscape does not on the whole provide for the many creative people that are in Welsh communities. Social media Websites like MySpace and YouTube as well as Websites like MTV.com, eJay, and PeopleSound, whilst providing space for artists to share their works, but do not usually consider the needs of local markets, such as in relation to Welsh language provision through to acknowledgement of Welsh place names and Wales's status as a country. The chapter finds that there are distinct issues in relation to presenting information via the Web- or Tablet-based devises and suggests some of the considerations needed when designing multi-platform environments.


2019 ◽  
Vol 01 (01) ◽  
pp. 1850002
Author(s):  
Hongsong Liu

In global economic governance, political consensus reached by the G20 members plays an important role of defining governance ideas and governance directions as well as steering and boosting collective actions. Political opportunities are essential for the G20 members’ successful efforts to place their preferences into the political consensus of G20. This paper analyzes how the G20 members place their preferences into the political consensus of G20 through the lens of political opportunity, and provides a relatively detailed demonstration on China’s practice of proposing policy initiatives and placing its preferences into the political consensus of G20 by examining the cases of International Monetary Fund (IMF) quota reform and international financial regulation reform.


Author(s):  
Grant D. Campbell

This paper compares information description in library cataloguing, the Semantic Web and the Web 2.0. It relates them to three separate but related principles in classical political economy: Thomas Hobbes’s state of nature, Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s social contract, and Adam Smith’s invisible hand.Cette communication compare la description de l’information dans les catalogues bibliographiques, le Web sémantique et le Web 2.0. Ces pratiques sont mis en relief avec trois principes distincts, mais connexes de l’économie politique classique : l’état de la nature de Thomas Hobbes, le contrat social de Jean-Jacques Rousseau et la main invisible d’Adam Smith.


2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 392-405 ◽  
Author(s):  
James N. Druckman ◽  
Martin J. Kifer ◽  
Michael Parkin

This article explores congressional campaigning on the web in 2016. What impact did the unique nature of the 2016 election have on those involved with the creation and maintenance of congressional campaign websites? Did it cause them to alter their approach to online campaigning? Using data from a survey of campaign insiders, we find that the factors that influence how congressional campaigns view and use their websites were largely impervious to the unique electoral environment. Results show that, consistent with previous election years, campaigns maintained a fairly uniform view of likely visitors and target audiences, and they tended to see their campaign websites as digital hubs, best used for capturing the campaign’s overall message. We also find that, as in other years, nonincumbents continued to use their websites to campaign more aggressively than incumbents. Overall, the results suggest that congressional campaigning on the web is primarily driven by stable factors that transcend technological advancements and shifts in the political environment.


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