Food Chain Defense in the United States

Author(s):  
LeeAnne Jackson
2000 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 179S-188S ◽  
Author(s):  
PM Kris-Etherton ◽  
Denise Shaffer Taylor ◽  
Shaomei Yu-Poth ◽  
Peter Huth ◽  
Kristin Moriarty ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Anne Palmer ◽  
Abiodun Atoloye ◽  
Karen Bassarab ◽  
Larissa Calancie ◽  
Raychel Santo ◽  
...  

In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, food policy councils (FPCs) have emerged as a critical struc¬ture for organizing community-based responses to multiple food system issues. Strong relationships with various food system stakeholders have proven essential in inspiring coordinated action. Using the early results of a Johns Hopkins Center for a Livable Future survey of FPCs (2020), we discuss some of the accomplishments and contributions that 118 FPCs have made toward addressing hunger and supporting producers, school food, food chain workers, racial equity, and resilience in the United States and in tribal nations.


2006 ◽  
Vol 40 (21) ◽  
pp. 6608-6614 ◽  
Author(s):  
Purnendu K. Dasgupta ◽  
Jason V. Dyke ◽  
Andrea B. Kirk ◽  
W. Andrew Jackson

Author(s):  
Steve Penfold

Fast food probably originated in 1948, when Dick and Maurice McDonald re-designed their successful restaurant. Few of the brothers' "innovations" were entirely new. They specialized in a small number of familiar foods and applied systematic thinking to production. By fitting into existing and emerging cultures of age, family, leisure and consumption, the brothers' new outlet acquired a social life. Under Ray Kroc's leadership, McDonald's grew from its first outlet near Chicago to more than 300 locations in 44 states by 1961, when he bought out the McDonald brothers for $2.7 million. Over the next decade, McDonald's emerged as a dominant fast food chain in the United States, spread to Canada, and eventually turned into a global brand. Four themes—expansion, taste, systems, and social life—might be viewed as the basic elements of a global history of fast food, one that has similarities to the McDonald's story but is unique on its own. Technology and technocracy allowed food to become fast food.


Author(s):  
Lori A. Flores

If one considers all the links in the food chain—from crop cultivation to harvesting to processing to transportation to provision and service—millions of workers are required to get food from fields and farms to our grocery stores, restaurants, and kitchen tables. One out of every seven workers in the United States performs a job related in some way to food, whether it is in direct on-farm employment, in stores, in eating/drinking establishments, or in other agriculture-related sectors. According to demographic breakdowns of US food labor, people of color and immigrants (of varying legal and citizenship statuses) hold the majority of low-wage jobs in the US food system. Since the late 19th century Latinos (people of Latin American descent living in the United States) have played a tremendous role in powering the nation’s food industry. In the Southwest, Mexicans and Mexican Americans have historically worked as farmworkers, street vendors, restaurateurs, and employees in food factories. The Bracero Program (1942–1964) only strengthened the pattern of hiring Latinos as food workers by importing a steady stream of Mexican guest workers into fields, orchards, and vineyards across all regions of the United States. Meanwhile, mid-20th-century Puerto Rican agricultural guest workers served the farms and food processing factories of the Midwest and East Coast. In the late 20th and early 21st centuries, Central American food labor has become more noticeable in restaurants, the meat and seafood industries, and street food vending. It is deeply ironic, then, that the workers who help to nourish us and get our food to us go so unnourished themselves. Across the board, food laborers lack many privileges and basic rights. There is still no federal minimum wage for the almost three million farmworkers who labor in the nation’s fruit orchards, vineyards, and vegetable fields. Farmworkers (who are overwhelmingly Latino and undocumented) earn very low wages and face various health risks from pesticide exposure, extreme weather, a lack of nutritious, affordable food and potable water, substandard and unsanitary housing conditions, workplace abuse, unsafe transportation, and sexual harassment and assault. Other kinds of food workers—such as restaurant workers and street vendors—experience similar economic precarity and physical/social invisibility. While many of these substandard conditions exist because of employer decisions about costs and the treatment of their workers, American consumers seeking the lowest prices for food are also caught up in this cycle of exploitation. In efforts to stay competitive and profitable in what they give to grocery stores, restaurants, and the American public, farmers and food distributors trim costs wherever they can, which often negatively impacts the wages and conditions of those who are working the hardest at the bottom of the national food chain. To push back against these forms of exploitation, food entrepreneurs, worker unions, and other advocates have vocally supported Latinos in the US food industry and tried to address problems ranging from xenophobia to human trafficking.


Author(s):  
Norah MacKendrick

How toxic are the products we consume on a daily basis? Whether it’s triclosan in toothpaste, formaldehyde in baby shampoo, endocrine disruptors in water bottles, or pesticides on strawberries, consumers are increasingly concerned about the chemicals in their food and personal care products. Norah MacKendrick chronicles these concerns, showing how individuals attempt to avoid exposure to toxics in the aisles of the grocery store using a practice she calls “precautionary consumption.” Through an innovative analysis of the history of environmental regulation in the United States, the advocacy work of environmental health groups, the expansion of the corporate health food chain Whole Foods Market, and the words of a diverse group of mothers, MacKendrick ponders why the problem of toxics in the retail landscape has been left to individual shoppers—and to mothers in particular. She reveals how precautionary consumption is a costly and time-intensive practice, one that is connected to cultural ideas of femininity and good motherhood, but is also most available to upper- and middle-class households. Better Safe than Sorry powerfully argues that precautionary consumption places a large and unfair burden of labor on women, and does little to advance environmental justice.


Either an overabundance or a deficiency of trace metals in the food chain can ultimately affect adversely the health of livestock and man. Increasing interest in the United States in the distribution of metals in the environment and in metal pollutants has led to widespread interdisciplinary research sponsored by governmental, private and academic groups concerning the availability of trace elements for absorption by plants and animals, and the effects of trace elements throughout the food chain. The state of the art and the needs for research are reviewed by interdisciplinary committees in the National Academy of Sciences and in many government agencies. Research is encouraged through contracts and grants awarded by federal and state agencies and the National Science Foundation to universities for studies of specific metals, specific diseases and correlations between metals and health in specific geographic areas. Effects on the environment of coal-fired power plants, the mining and processing of metals, asbestos, and phosphate, and the disposal of industrial and nuclear wastes have also received much attention in the past few years.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document