The Development of the US and the EU Preferential Trade Agreement Networks: A Tale of Power and Prestige

Author(s):  
Panayotis M. Protopsaltis
2011 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andre Cillie Jordaan ◽  
Patrick Kanda

This study investigates the trade effects of the EU-SA and SADC preferential trade agreements of which South Africa is a member. Using a panel data estimation of the gravity model of bilateral trade and based on data from 1994 to 2008, the study finds the EU-SA preferential trade agreement to have a significant trade expansion effect. The study further reveals that an informative conclusion on trade effects of the SADC preferential trade agreement can only be reached once the agreement has been fully operational. The study also recommends that trade policy in South Africa should increasingly be geared towards broad-based multilateral liberalisation. In addition, South Africa should promote regional economic stability and development through supporting regional trade agreements initiatives. Keywords: Trade creation, trade diversion, preferential trade agreement, panel data estimation, gravity model of bilateral trade


Author(s):  
Maria Garcia

Official relations between Chile and the European Union (formerly the European Communities) date back to 1967 when the two parties first opened diplomatic representations in Brussels and Santiago, respectively. As Chile transitioned to a democratic polity from 1990, the relationship deepened. Reflecting the EU’s support for democratization in Latin America, both parties formalized ties through the signing of a Cooperation Framework Agreement in 1991 and a Framework Agreement on Trade and Economic Cooperation in 1996. The latter set Chile and the EU on the path to eventually negotiating an Association Agreement, including a preferential trade agreement (PTA), between 1999 and 2002. The Association Agreement has been in force since 2003, and in 2017 Chile and the EU decided to launch negotiations to modernize the preferential trade agreement part of the Association. The bilateral relationship, and its study, have been defined by three key areas: (1) political relations, (2) cooperation relations, and (2) economic relations. The political and cooperation ties between the two parties have, in turn, been determined by two strands of EU external policies: (1) the EU’s overarching approach toward relations with Latin America, and (2) the evolution of the EU’s development policy. Economic relations, for their part, cover rising trade flows and increasing investment (especially EU foreign direct investment outflows and stocks in Chile). Chile’s attractiveness, despite its relatively small economy and population, derives from its specific political economy. Chile’s painful market reforms under the Pinochet regime set it on a path of greater economic openness than its neighbours. Democratic governments since 1990 have continued policies of trade liberalization, low tariffs, and active engagement in the creation of a dense network of global preferential trade agreements with Chile at its center as a gateway to Latin America. This has helped to diversify Chilean trade relations away from over-reliance on the EU or the United States, and has made Chile an attractive target for foreign investment. The trade agreement part of the Association Agreement ushered in deeper economic ties, and a body of scholarly analyses of the agreement and its impacts has slowly emerged. Relations with Chile have formed part of the EU’s broader strategy toward Latin America, rather than independent EU strategy. Initial steps toward an Association Agreement were within the context of negotiations for an Association Agreement between the EU and Mercosur (the Common Market of the South). Analysis of the EU–Chile relationship has, as a result, tended to be sparse and to be included as a subsection in studies of broader EU–Latin America relations, and especially EU–Mercosur relations. Nevertheless, the relationship represents a positive example of successful engagement with a relatively like-minded partner in a mature association, and demonstrates the extent of and possibilities for EU foreign policy engagement. Moreover, the relationship has served as a testing ground for new types of projects and collaborations and for mutual learning, such as the parties’ joint projects on increasing gender representation in politics, or the inclusion of gender clauses, for the first time in an EU preferential trade agreement, in the modernization of the EU–Chile agreement.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-204
Author(s):  
Endah Ayu Ningsih ◽  
Telisa Aulia Falianty ◽  
Fitri Tri Budiarti

AbstrakPenelitian ini mengevaluasi tingkat pemanfaatan Indonesia-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (IJEPA) dan Indonesia-Pakistan Preferential Trade Agreement (IPPTA) dalam ekspor dan impor Indonesia ke Jepang dan Pakistan. Tingkat pemanfaatan FTA untuk ekspor menggunakan rasio nilai perdagangan yang termuat dalam Surat Keterangan Asal (SKA) terhadap nilai ekspor ke negara mitra. Sedangkan tingkat pemanfaatan impor menggunakan rasio nilai impor produk yang memenuhi syarat terhadap total impor Indonesia dari negara mitra. Studi ini menemukan bahwa pemanfaatan IJEPA (2012-2016) cenderung menurun. Pada tahun 2016 tingkat pemanfaatan ekspor sebesar 47,2%. Sementara pemanfaatan IPPTA untuk ekspor ke Pakistan mengalami peningkatan yang signifikan sejak diimplementasi tahun 2013 dengan tingkat pemanfaatan ekspor sebesar 72,0% pada tahun 2016. Di sisi impor pemanfaatan IJEPA mencapai 67,7% sementara IPPTA hanya 18,8% (2016). Pemanfaatan impor IJEPA dan IPPTA relatif stagnan, jumlah perusahaan yang menggunakan SKA IJEPA sudah pada level jenuh, sementara pengguna SKA IPPTA masih tumbuh 18,2% per tahun. Bentuk PTA lebih memberikan dampak positif bagi peningkatan ekspor Indonesia ke negara mitra dibandingkan FTA yang komprehensif. Kebijakan melakukan FTA dalam bentuk Economic Partnership perlu disertai dengan kerja sama yang menjamin peningkatan perdagangan yang seimbang antar negara anggota. AbstractThis study aims to address the utilization level of The Indonesia-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (IJEPA) and Indonesia-Pakistan Preferential Trade Agreement (IPPTA). The level of FTA utilization for exports was measured by the ratio of trade value recorded in the Certificate of Origin (CoO) to Indonesia’s export value to the related country. While the level of utilization of imports was defined by the ratio of the import value of eligible products to Indonesia's total imports from the related country. The study found IJEPA’s utilization during 2012-2016 tended to decrease. In 2016, the level of utilization was about 47.2%. While IPPTA utilization for exports to Pakistan experienced a significant increase since it was implemented in 2013 with a rate of export utilization was 72.0% in 2016. On the import side, the level of utilization under IJEPA reached 67.7% while IPPTA was only 18.8% at the same period. In terms of the imports utilization level of both IJEPA and IPPTA, it was relatively stagnant, while the number of companies utilize IJEPA’s CoO was saturated. In contrast, IPPTA’s CoO users still grew at 18.2% per year. This study concluded PTA provides more positive impact on increasing Indonesia's exports to related countries than comprehensive FTAs. Thus, establishing an FTA in the form of an Economic Partnership needs to be followed with the cooperation that guarantees trade balance within the parties.


Subject Politics and trade talks. Significance Understanding the factors that determine how long trade negotiations take will help businesses navigate the uncertainty, as the UK government prepares to negotiate trade agreements once it leaves the EU. The Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) between Canada and the EU took seven years to finalise. Less comprehensive renegotiations of international agreements can be shorter, including the US-Mexico-Canada agreement, which took less than two years. Impacts UK sectors highly exposed to the EU or United States, including automotive and financial services, face prolonged investment uncertainty. Timing of national elections, lobbying and the ideological divergence between trade partners will determine post-Brexit trade deal talks. Continued polarisation of major economies' electorates will delay or stop other global deals, including on foreign aid and climate change.


Author(s):  
Sedat AYBAR

This paper examines the impact of co-operation between Turkey and  the US upon Turkish trade and investments towards the Black Sea  region. The study is particularly important in the conjuncture of the  US withdrawal from the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and in the wake of signing a free  trade agreement with the EU. An additional matter of importance  relates to the improved Turkey – Russia economic collaboration especially after the “jet” incident and American  involvement with the Middle East. Significant part of the latter is  economic as the US has also explicit economic interests in the  Eastern Meditteranean. A gravity model has been employed using  ordinary least squares on a panel data with fixed effects to analyse aggregate trade. We have also categorized export groups of  Turkey and the US separately. Our findings for both Turkish and the US exports indicate that per-capita GDP of Black Sea countries are  highly persistent and positively correlated with increased efficiency  gains and trade volumes. Regression results show that the US  exports to the EU member countries are on average less than to  those non-EU member Black Sea countries. Hence, we question  whether a possible co-operation between the US and Turkish  companies can help gaining better access to the Black Sea market for their exports.


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel J. Ikenson ◽  
Simon Lester ◽  
Scott Lincicome ◽  
Daniel R. Pearson ◽  
K. William Watson

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