Common goals, different realities: Comparing issues in educational technology in the United States, Canada, and India

1996 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Usha Vyasulu Reddi
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Educational Technology ◽  
The United States ◽  
Common Goals

Tightening the Gap

2019 ◽  
pp. 154-176
Author(s):  
Maria Ray Langheim ◽  
Ann Maureen McCaughan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Law Enforcement ◽  
School Violence ◽  
School Personnel ◽  
The United States ◽  
School Shooting ◽  
Community Members ◽  
Essential Step ◽  
Successful Communication ◽  
Common Goals

Between January 1, 2012 and January 30, 2018 alone there were 27 school shooting incidents, accounting for 62 victim deaths, 108 victims injured, countless witness and community members affected, and 10 assailants who committed suicide or were killed by a police officer during the attack, at schools or campuses across the United States (U.S.). Clearly, further intervention and prevention strategies are necessary for school personnel and law enforcement, as well as our greater communities, in reducing instances of school violence. Identification of individuals and groups who are at higher risk for violence toward self or others is one essential step in prevention. When prevention is unsuccessful, a student may begin down a path toward violence, eventually posing a threat to the extent that identifying and intervening becomes necessary. Encouraging law enforcement and school personnel to become well-versed in both, so that they might successfully support each other's efforts and develop common goals, is essential to successful communication regarding students and groups of concern.

scholarly journals U.S.-China Relations Under the Trump Administration: Changes and Challenges

2019 ◽  
Vol 05 (03) ◽  
pp. 289-315
Author(s):  
Sanja Arežina
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
High Tech ◽  
Major Power ◽  
Strategic Vision ◽  
Global Power ◽  
The World ◽  
Common Goals ◽  
Power Centers ◽  
Trump Administration

The beginning of the 21st century witnessed remarkable changes in the distribution of global power. The lack of strategic vision by the United States has resulted in a power crisis, which in turn accelerates the trends of new multipolarity with several power centers in the world. Since President Trump took office in January 2017, the United States has been challenging the established norms of international relations on many fronts and, in particular, shifting its policy toward China to one that trumpets geopolitical rivalry amid their economic interdependence. The ever increasing anxiety of the United States has undermined multilateralism and globalization, generating profound consequences and impacts on major-power relations around the world. In the future, Washington and Beijing must seek common goals that can bring them together to resolve disagreements and set boundaries for potential conflicts. The U.S. leadership should always keep in mind that China is an important partner; and if the two powers fail to cooperate, there will be devastating implications for the whole world. In the meantime, Washington and Beijing need to be aware that an acute conflict of any kind between two high-tech countries may substantially change the world for all.

An Analysis of Educational Technology-Related Doctoral Programs in the United States

2011 ◽  
pp. 99-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heng-Yu Ku ◽  
Shari Plantz-Masters ◽  
Kim Hosler ◽  
Watsatree Diteeyont ◽  
Chatchada Akarasriworn ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Educational Technology ◽  
Doctoral Programs ◽  
The United States

VII. Sino-Indian Relations: Security Dilemma, Ideological Polarization, or Cooperation Based on 'Comprehensive Security'?

2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 499-520
Author(s):  
Kurt Radtke
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
First Century ◽  
Global System ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Security Discourse ◽  
Ideological Polarization ◽  
Common Goals ◽  
Great Game

AbstractGeopolitics in Central Asia are not wholly determined by its giant neighbors China, India, and Russia, but the strategic approaches adopted by these three countries have a major impact on the dynamics of Central Asia. This contribution aims to throw more light on the nature of the strategic and security discourse between China and India as one way to increase our understanding of the context in which Central Asian states operate. Despite globalization, Asian governments tend to cling to static approaches. China in particular emphasizes the role of "large powers" (daguo) in determining the global structure, and regards itself as one of those large powers. Cooperation with other powers demands a minimum level of agreement on common goals for the future global system, but recent emphasis on moral, and thus ideological elements in US global strategies has the potential to reimpose ideological polarization on the global system. Countries in Southeast or Central Asia tend to adopt policies of diversification by strengthening their links with all major global powers, including the United States, hoping to avoid polarization while at the same time staying clear of bandwagoning. This is one of the reasons why the New Great Game cannot simply be described in terms of Great Powers that engage among themselves in maneuvers of bandwagoning and balancing. Sharing concepts such as "comprehensive security" may provide greater leeway for policymakers who do not wish to become prisoners of man-made dilemmas. Nineteenth-century concepts of balance of power seem no shining beacon for policymakers of Eurasia and the United States in the twenty-first century.

scholarly journals Rethinking leadership: understanding the roles of the US and China in the negotiation of the Paris Agreement

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 1178-1202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robyn Eckersley
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Paris Agreement ◽  
Leadership Role ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
Leaders And Followers ◽  
The Us ◽  
Common Goals ◽  
Leadership Types

The study of leadership in International Relations has followed two different paths: work on hegemony and work on different leadership types in international negotiations. Yet there is little overlap between them and no agreement on the distinctive features of leadership and what connects leaders and followers in a collective pursuit. This article critically engages with both literatures and offers a reconceptualization of leadership as a form of legitimated asymmetrical influence that is marked off from domination and performs an important social function in facilitating collective agency towards common goals in a given community. This account is then operationalised in relation to multilateral negotiations to examine and clarify the roles of the United States and China in the negotiation of the mitigation provisions of the Paris Agreement. It is shown that the US under the Obama administration performed a sustained but largely transactional leadership role in bringing the parties to an agreement while China’s role was predominantly that of a defensive co-operator but with significant moments of shared leadership with the US towards the endgame. The analysis shows that, despite growing international expectations, China, unlike the United States, did not see its role as leading the world.

Literacy and the Underdeveloped Nations

1980 ◽  
Vol 162 (3) ◽  
pp. 27-39
Author(s):  
Jonathan Kozol
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Young People ◽  
Secondary School ◽  
North American ◽  
Adult Literacy ◽  
Social System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Literacy Programs ◽  
Recent Book ◽  
Common Goals

The author's on-the-spot investigation of Cuba's literacy work (1976, 1977) convinces him that the nation can offer some very dramatic and important lessons to our own society. The differences between our situations are real, but the points of similarity and common goals are more significant. Drawing on his recent research into adult literacy programs in the United States and summarizing the conclusions of his most recent book (Prisoners of Silence, Continuum Books, 1980), he proposes a North American “mobilization” approach which resembles the Cuban undertaking in two key respects: first, in a primary reliance upon young people now in college and secondary school as “literacy workers”; second, in an American adaptation of the concept of “the generative word” (Freire) or “the active word” (Ferrer)—both being at the heart of Cuba's openly and explicitly politicized approach. The probable social and economic repercussions of this method upon the totality of our social system are examined in the concluding section.

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