Economic freedom, civil liberties, political rights and growth: a causality analysis

2008 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 165-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Aixalá ◽  
Gema Fabro
Author(s):  
Reza G. Hamzaee ◽  
G. Rod Erfani

Human freedom, and therefore, quality of life in many countries of the world have been restricted and diminished. Economic freedom and a controversial issue of interrelationship between economic and political freedom are empirically examined here. In several empirical estimations, embodying 155 countries of the world, some tight as well as statistically significant relationships are detected between economic freedom, on the one hand, and civil liberties, political rights, and political freedom, on the other.


Author(s):  
Memduh Alper Demir

The aim of this chapter is to measure the impact of institutional variables such as economic freedom and democracy on foreign direct investment from the European Union to Turkey. In this framework, the author models institutional factors affecting foreign direct investments. The model includes economic freedom index, political rights, civil liberties of Turkey, and Gross Domestic Products of selected European countries. In theoretical part, the perspective of institutional economics on economic freedoms and democracy is discussed. A brief literature about the relationship between foreign direct investments and economic freedoms and democracy is revealed. Stochastic frontier analysis was used in the implementation to show the relationship between variables and efficiency of European countries' foreign direct investments to Turkey. Proposals for policy implication have been made in the conclusion part. This chapter shows civil liberties and economic freedom index have positive effect on foreign direct investments that supports institutionalists.


2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay Albanese

The balance between crime control methods and individual liberties is always problematic, creating tension, because in order to investigate crime, and adjudicate and punish offenders, it is necessary to make reasonable intrusions into the liberty of citizens. This study uses data from 40 countries to examine the crime control measures (police per capita and conviction rates) that reflect government investments in criminal justice apparatus to control crime and criminals, as well as the use of these crime control measures through government intervention in the lives of its citizens (formal citizen contacts with police, prosecution rate, and detention rate), to examine their impact on crime victimization rates (homicide rates and crimes included in the international crime victim survey). The purpose is to examine whether these government interventions have any impact on crime rates across countries, controlling other independent variables that might help to explain any observed relationships among these variables (such as measures of civil liberties, democracy, human development, available information and communications technologies, political rights, corruption perceptions, education, economic freedom, freedom of the press, and prosperity).


2016 ◽  
pp. 1147-1165
Author(s):  
Bogusław Sygit ◽  
Damian Wąsik

The aim of this chapter is describing of the influence of universal human rights and civil liberties on the formation of standards for hospital care. The authors present definition of the right to life and the right to health. Moreover in the section it is discussed modern standards of hospital treatment under the provisions of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights: availability, accessibility, acceptability and quality. The authors discuss in detail about selected examples realization of human rights in the treatment of hospital and forms of their violation. During the presentation of these issues, the authors analyze a provisions of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and European Convention on the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and use a number of judgments of the European Court of Human Rights issued in matters concerning human rights abuses in the course of treatment and hospitalization.


Author(s):  
Zemelak Ayitenew Ayele

After centuries of monarchical rule, 14 years of military rule, and three years of a one-party political system, Ethiopia adopted a constitution that provides for multiparty democracy. The Constitution establishes democratic institutions and contains democratic principles that are vital for competitive multiparty democracy; it also guarantees civil liberties and political rights, including freedom of expression and association that are critical in this regard. Be that as it may, in the past two-and-a-half decades, no competitive multiparty democracy has existed in Ethiopia. Instead, an electoral authoritarian system was instituted that allowed the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and its affiliates to enjoy exclusive control over every level and unit of government. This was so because, among other things, even if the domestic and global political dynamics that were at work when the EPRDF came to power in the 1990s left it with no choice but to constitutionalize multipartyism, its violent history, its vanguardist self-perception, and the developmental-state paradigm it later endorsed have driven it into electoral authoritarianism. The various formal and informal mechanisms that the party put in place, the socioeconomic structure of the country, and the minimal international pressure it faced when not democratizing allowed it successfully to retain its incumbency for more than two decades. New domestic and international dynamics put pressure on the EPRDF to open up the political space and to change its leadership leading to the rise to power of Abiy Ahmed who, having begun as a reformer, is now showing the tell-tale signs of authoritarianism and harbingers of one-man rule.


2010 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 457-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jørgen Møller ◽  
Svend-Erik Skaaning

AbstractAs described by T. H. Marshall sixty years ago, the Western itinerary to modern democracy and the welfare state followed the sequence of civil, political and social citizenship rights. We demonstrate that Marshall's sequence is no longer the prevalent one in the developing and transformation countries of the contemporary era. Instead, political rights are generally at least as effective as civil liberties which are at least as effective as social rights. This new sequencing is attributable to the combination of ‘liberal hegemony’ and inauspicious structural constraints. More generally, our results suggest that the historical route to liberal democracy and the welfare state – beginning with liberal constitutionalism – is unlikely in today's world.


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