A Social Interactionist Approach to the Victim-Offender Overlap

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-181
Author(s):  
Mark T. Berg ◽  
Richard Felson
2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 369-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Madalina Vlasceanu ◽  
Karalyn Enz ◽  
Alin Coman

The formation of collective memories, emotions, and beliefs is a fundamental characteristic of human communities. These emergent outcomes are thought to be the result of a dynamical system of communicative interactions among individuals. But despite recent psychological research on collective phenomena, no programmatic framework to explore the processes involved in their formation exists. Here, we propose a social-interactionist approach that bridges cognitive and social psychology to illuminate how microlevel cognitive phenomena give rise to large-scale social outcomes. It involves first establishing the boundary conditions of cognitive phenomena, then investigating how cognition is influenced by the social context in which it is manifested, and finally studying how dyadic-level influences propagate in social networks. This approach has the potential to (a) illuminate the large-scale consequences of well-established cognitive phenomena, (b) lead to interdisciplinary dialogues between psychology and the other social sciences, and (c) be more relevant for public policy than existing approaches.


1999 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 666-666
Author(s):  
Claire Kramsch

Using a conversation analytical, social interactionist approach to cognition, Wootton examines the requests made by his daughter between 18 and 36 months of age in interaction with her parents. He analyzes in detail “distressing events” or seemingly irrational temper tantrums to develop a theory of cognitive development based on the sequentiality of conversational interaction. By correlating her use of imperatives and, later, of more polite forms of requests, Wootton is able to show how the child identifies and draws on expectations of shared understanding, established through local interactional sequences of conversation, to develop her sense of cognitive relevance and moral rectitude. The intensity of the child's distress at seeing her expectations flouted leads Wootton to claim that the nature of these understandings is local, public, and moral: The child's cultural awareness is fashioned and critically conditioned precisely by those forms of sequential and interactional organization she begins to come to grips with at about the age of 2.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 168-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Markus Ojala ◽  
Reeta Pöyhtäri

Journalistic role conceptions are usually understood as internalised professional conventions about the tasks reporters pursue in society. This study insists that more attention be put on the relational and context-dependent nature of journalistic role conceptions. Adopting a social-interactionist approach to journalistic roles, the study examines how Finnish journalists conceived of their professional roles when covering asylum issues during the so-called “refugee crisis” of 2015–2016. Based on an analysis of open-ended, semi-structured interviews with 24 journalists, we highlight how considerations of the political context and interactions with three key reference groups—officials, asylum seekers and anti-immigrant publics—shaped the journalists’ conceptions of their tasks and duties. The article contributes to the study of journalistic role conceptions by illustrating how the conceptualisation of journalistic roles in relation to reference groups takes place in practice. It also sheds light on the tensions involved in journalistic balancing and negotiation between various available role conceptions, especially in the shifting societal and political contexts of a Europe marked by multiculturalism and the simultaneous rise of anti-immigrant movements.


Author(s):  
Richard B. Felson

Since criminal violence involves doing harm to someone (as well as rule breaking) a theory of aggression is needed to help explain it. A social interactionist (SI) theory of aggression fits the bill. According to this perspective there are strong incentives for aggression. Sometimes individuals harm or threaten to harm others in order to force compliance. They compel the target to do something for them or deter them from doing something that offends them. Sometimes they punish someone who offends them in order to achieve justice or retribution. They feel morally justified and self-righteous about their behavior. Sometimes they are attempting to assert or protect their self- or social image. Finally, some violence involves thrill seeking. These are basic motives of human behavior, and they can readily explain the incentives for both verbal and physical aggression. An SI perspective is a challenge to frustration-aggression approaches (including general strain theory) that claim that aversive stimuli and negative affect instigate aggression. Negative affect plays a much more limited causal role in producing violence from an SI perspective. A bad mood after an aversive experience may facilitate an aggressive response if people fail to consider costs and moral inhibitions when they are in a bad mood. The aversive experience does not instigate aggression unless the person responsible is assigned blame. Blame is critical because it leads to a grievance and a desire for retribution. Some acts of criminal violence are predatory, and some stem from verbal disputes. The violence of the robber, the rapist, and the bully are usually predatory. Most homicides and assaults stem from disputes. It is therefore important to study the social interaction during disputes in order to understand why they sometimes escalate to violence. A social interactionist approach suggests it is important to study interpersonal conflict that underlies dispute-related violence, since conflict often leads to grievances. Cooperative face-work (i.e., politeness) prevents violence because it avoids attacks on selves. When such attacks occur, they tend to lead to retaliation and the possibility of escalation. Third parties can influence the outcome if they instigate or mediate the dispute, or just serve as a passive audience. Mediators can allow both sides to back down without losing face, but they can also encourage weaker parties to fight. Finally, violence can be considered a form of informal social control when social control by third parties is ineffective. An SI approach emphasizes the importance of adversary effects (i.e., the physical threat posed by adversaries). People take into account the relative coercive power of their opponent when they decide whether to engage in violence and what tactics to use. If they attack adversaries who are physically stronger, they may rely on weapons or allies. Adversary effects explain why armed violence spreads across a community and why it lowers rates of unarmed violence. They help to explain variation in violent crime across nations, regions, and racial/ethnic groups.


1993 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 295-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard B. Felson ◽  
James T. Tedeschi

A “social interactionist approach” is applied to incidents of interpersonal violence in a variety of cultures. Violence, like other forms of coercion, is viewed as goal-oriented behavior, designed to produce compliance, restore retributive justice, and to assert and protect social identities. The approach emphasizes the role of grievances and social control, the escalation of coercive interactions when identities are attacked, and the role of third parties. It is suggested that the incentives for violence and other forms of coercion are similar in all cultures.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Burkitt

This article takes a critical approach to emotion regulation suggesting that the concept needs supplementing with a relational position on the generation and restraint of emotion. I chart the relational approach to emotion, challenging the “two-step” model of emotion regulation. From this, a more interdisciplinary approach to emotion is developed using concepts from social science to show the limits of instrumental, individualistic, and cognitivist orientations in the psychology of emotion regulation, centred on appraisal theory. Using a social interactionist approach I develop an ontological position in which social relations form the fundamental contexts in which emotions are generated, toned, and restrained, so that regulation is decentred and seen as just one moment or aspect in the relational patterning of emotion.


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