scholarly journals Correction to: Issue Voting and Government Responsiveness to Policy Preferences

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Guntermann ◽  
Mikael Persson
Keyword(s):  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Issue Voting ◽  
Government Responsiveness

The Dynamics of Party Identification

1983 ◽  
Vol 77 (4) ◽  
pp. 957-973 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles H. Franklin ◽  
John E. Jackson
Keyword(s):  
Political Behavior ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
Issue Voting ◽  
Hierarchical Relationship ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Relative Proximity ◽  
Voting Models ◽  
Development And Evolution

This article presents a model of individuals' party identification that contrasts with previous models. Past models, with the few recent exceptions noted, assume a hierarchical relationship either from identification to other aspects of political behavior, such as the perception and evaluation of issues and candidates, or from these behaviors to party identifications. The model discussed here places party within a dynamic concept of the electoral process and tests several hypotheses about factors producing changes in identifications. The first factor, consistent with the spatial-type issue voting models, estimates the effects of the relative proximity of each party to the individual's own policy preferences. Second, we examine the effect of the actual voting decision on subsequent identifications, with the expectation that if votes differ from previous identifications, there is a resulting shift in partisanship. Finally, we examine the hypothesis that identifications become less susceptible to change as people age and accumulate political experience. When combined with other research, the results indicate a model of the electoral process in which party identifications are both influenced by circumstances specific to each election and influence other behaviors. This nonrecursive model has a number of implications for the development and evolution of individual and aggregate partisanship. These implications are discussed at the end of the article.

Responsive Government? Public Opinion and Government Policy Preferences in Britain and Denmark

2005 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-402 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Binzer Hobolt ◽  
Robert Klemmemsen
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Government Policy ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
The United States ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Policy Responsiveness ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Government Responsiveness ◽  
The Relationship

The ability of a political system to respond to the preferences of its citizens is central to democratic theory and practice; yet most empirical research on government responsiveness has concentrated on the United States. As a result, we know very little about the nature of government policy responsiveness in Europe and we have a poor understanding of the conditions that affect cross-national variations. This comparative study examines the relationship between public opinion and policy preferences in the United Kingdom and Denmark during the past three decades. We address two key questions: First, are the government's policy intentions driven by public opinion or vice versa? Second, do political institutions influence the level of government responsiveness? We suggest that public opinion tends to drive the government's policy intentions due to the threat of electoral sanction, and that this is more pronounced in proportional systems than in majoritarian democracies.

scholarly journals Issue Voting and Government Responsiveness to Policy Preferences

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Guntermann ◽  
Mikael Persson
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Model ◽  
Policy Implementation ◽  
Government Policy ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Policy Responsiveness ◽  
Issue Voting ◽  
Policy Shift ◽  
Conventional Models ◽  
Government Responsiveness

AbstractDoes citizens’ voting behavior influence government policy? Conventional models of democratic representation assume that issue voting by citizens induces government responsiveness to citizens’ preferences. However, existing research has not tested whether voting behavior makes any difference to responsiveness. We present a theoretical model of issue voting and policy responsiveness. We leverage Swedish election study panels and a corresponding dataset on policy implementation to empirically evaluate the influence of issue voting on the adoption by governments of popular policies. We find that parties that enter government are more likely to implement popular policies if supporters of a policy shift their votes towards those parties. Thus, issue voting can lead to government responsiveness as long as it does not force parties to be inconsistent with their prior positions.

Missing Effect of Party Cues in Japan: Evidence from a Survey Experiment

2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
TETSURO KOBAYASHI ◽  
TOMOYA YOKOYAMA
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Party System ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Full Information ◽  
Issue Voting ◽  
Media System ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Media

AbstractFor voters with bounded rationality to emulate the formation of policy preferences under full information, party cues provide effective heuristics. Although the effect of party cuing has been robustly established in US-centered studies, the literature indicates that the characteristics of modern US politics, such as political polarization, magnify the effect of party cues. Therefore, the effect of party cues has been subject to only lenient empirical scrutiny, as empirical evidence exists primarily for the US. The present study aims to test the generalizability of the effect of party cues by focusing on Japan, where the ideological positions of parties have become increasingly vague. Furthermore, in light of the fact that the media system in Japan is more stable and ideologically polarized than its party system, we also test whether press cues (i.e. newspaper names) serve as substitutes for party cues. A survey experiment demonstrates that the effects of party and press cues in Japan are muted, and therefore these two types of cues do not serve as effective shortcuts in forming policy preferences. These results indicate that issue voting based on cognitive heuristics is difficult under an unstable multiparty system. Therefore, the extant literature on party cues that presupposes the US-style party system cannot be easily generalized to other political contexts.

Moral conviction, ideology and policy preferences in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michal Reifen Tagar ◽  
G. Scott Morgan ◽  
Linda J. Skitka ◽  
Eran Halperin
Keyword(s):  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Moral Conviction

Narratives shape cognitive representations of immigrants and policy preferences

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel Eduardo Martinez ◽  
Lauren Feldman ◽  
Mallory Feldman ◽  
Mina Cikara
Keyword(s):  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Mexican Immigrants ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Cognitive Representations ◽  
Induced Representations ◽  
The Social

Scholars from across the social and media sciences have issued a clarion call to address a recent resurgence in criminalized characterizations of immigrants. Do these characterizations meaningfully impact individuals’ beliefs about immigrants and immigration? Across two online convenience samples (N = 1,054 adult U.S. residents), we applied a novel analytic technique to test how different narratives—criminal, achievement, struggle-oriented—impact cognitive representations of German, Russian, Syrian, and Mexican immigrants and the concept of “immigrants” in general. All stories featured male targets. Achievement stories homogenized individual immigrant representations whereas both criminal and struggle-oriented stories racialized them along a white/non-white axis: Germany clustered with Russia, Syria with Mexico. However, criminal stories were unique in making our most egalitarian participants’ representations as differentiated as our least egalitarian participants’. Narratives about individual immigrants also generalized to update representations of nationality groups. Most important, narrative-induced representations correlated with immigration policy preferences: achievement narratives and corresponding homogenized representations promoted preferences for less restriction, criminal narratives for more.

Wealthy Elitess Policy Preferences and Economic Inequality: The Case of Technology Entrepreneurs

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
David E. Broockman ◽  
Greg F. Ferenstein ◽  
Neil A. Malhotra
Keyword(s):  
Economic Inequality ◽  
Policy Preferences

Conditionality & Coercion

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabela Mares ◽  
Lauren E. Young
Keyword(s):  
Mixed Method ◽  
Personal Characteristics ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Vote Buying ◽  
Private Benefits ◽  
Public Benefits ◽  
Local Actors ◽  
Democratic Systems ◽  
Method Approach

In many recent democracies, candidates compete for office using illegal strategies to influence voters. In Hungary and Romania, local actors including mayors and bureaucrats offer access to social policy benefits to voters who offer to support their preferred candidates, and they threaten others with the loss of a range of policy and private benefits for voting the “wrong” way. These quid pro quo exchanges are often called clientelism. How can politicians and their accomplices get away with such illegal campaigning in otherwise democratic, competitive elections? When do they rely on the worst forms of clientelism that involve threatening voters and manipulating public benefits? This book uses a mixed method approach to understand how illegal forms of campaigning including vote buying and electoral coercion persist in two democratic countries in the European Union. It argues that clientelistic strategies must be disaggregated based on whether they use public or private resources, and whether they involve positive promises or negative threats and coercion. The authors document that the type of clientelistic strategies that candidates and brokers use varies systematically across localities based on their underlying social coalitions, and also show that voters assess and sanction different forms of clientelism in different ways. Voters glean information about politicians’ personal characteristics and their policy preferences from the clientelistic strategies these candidates deploy. Most voters judge candidates who use clientelism harshly. So how does clientelism, including its most odious coercive forms, persist in democratic systems? This book suggests that politicians can get away with clientelism by using forms of it that are in line with the policy preferences of constituencies whose votes they need. Clientelistic and programmatic strategies are not as distinct as previous studies have argued.

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