scholarly journals EU Defence Cooperation after Brexit: What Role for the UK in the Future EU Defence Arrangements?

European View ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jolyon Howorth

The UK has traditionally played an ambivalent role in European security and defence policymaking. With Brexit, the EU loses one of its two serious military players. On the other hand, it has been liberated from the constraints imposed by London on the Common Security and Defence Policy, and this has created a new dynamism behind the defence project. There has been comparatively little commentary on the defence implications of Brexit, and the UK has been less than forthcoming in making concrete proposals for an ongoing UK-EU partnership. Both sides assert that they wish to maintain a strong cooperative relationship after Brexit, but the outlines of such an arrangement remain very unclear. This article suggests that the UK will have more to lose than the EU from any failure to reach agreement, and that UK ambivalence about links between the Common Security and Defence Policy and NATO will prove to be a major sticking point.

European View ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 222-229
Author(s):  
Richard G. Whitman

Brexit has transformed the EU–UK relationship into a foreign-policy challenge for both sides. The negotiations on the EU–UK future relationship have been a process in which both sides have been learning about the other as a third-party negotiator. The UK has taken a very different attitude to the Political Declaration, agreed alongside the Withdrawal Agreement (covering the terms of the UK’s departure from the EU), treating it as a guide rather than a roadmap for negotiations. And the UK has decided not to pursue negotiations with the EU on a future foreign, security and defence policy relationship. This is in a context in which the EU’s member states have committed to deepening security and defence cooperation. At present, and despite shared international challenges, a formal agreement on EU–UK foreign, security and defence policy looks set to be replaced by an approach of ‘muddling through’.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Kubin

The exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union (so-called Brexit) is one of the most important events in the process of European integration. It has a lot of extremely remarkable implications – both for the EU and for the United Kingdom. Among other, Brexit will affect the security of the United Kingdom and the EU. The aim of the study is to answer the research question: how will Britain’s exit from the EU influence the EU common security and defence policy? In order to answer this question, the factors that are most relevant to the United Kingdom’s significance for the EU’s security and defence policy will be identified. This will show how the EU’s potential of the security and defence policy will change, when the UK leaves this organisation. The most important conclusions are included in the summary.


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (54) ◽  
pp. 287-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Paterek

The Lisbon Treaty and Its Implications for French‑German Cooperation in EU’s Common Security and Defence PolicyFaced with internal and external pressures the EU’s security and defence policy has become one of the most dynamic fields of European integration. This paper describes declared ambition of Franco‑Germancooperation to strengthening the EU in European security and defence. In light of a more demanding security environment Berlin and Paris have awakened the so‑called „Sleeping Beauty of the Lisbon Treaty”, The Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO), introduced by the 2009 Lisbon Treaty. They managed to find a compromise and to turn PESCO into a process as much as to create a new framework to deepen defence cooperation amongst EU Member States. The conclusions argue that the relaunch of the Franco‑German motor is key to European defence.


2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (68) ◽  
pp. 106-127
Author(s):  
Beatrica Šmaguc

Abstract After decades of reliance upon NATO in security matters, the EU ought to develop security assets of its own in order to protect its interests and citizens. The Common Foreign and Security Policy as an expression of EU readiness and willingness to play a more significant role in security matters on the international stage led to the creation of the European Security and Defence Policy, thus putting at the EU’s disposal civilian and military capabilities for dealing with the crisis spots around the world. The EUBG concept originated with the first member states’ pledges in November 2004 which gave added value to the EU in the security and defence area, at least on paper, while so far no EUBG has been deployed in the theatre of operations.


Author(s):  
Robert Dover ◽  
Anna Maria Friis Kristensen

This chapter examines the European Union's foreign, security, and defence policies. It begins with a discussion of the intergovernmental Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), established by virtue of the Maastricht Treaty, focusing in particular on the role of the member states and the EU institutions in the development of the policy. The forerunner to the CFSP was the European political cooperation. The chapter then considers the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), created by the Lisbon Treaty, and the gradual militarization of the EU. It concludes with an analysis of the range of military and civilian CSDP missions that the EU has undertaken to date.


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