Prenatal Syphilis Screening Among Medicaid Enrollees in 6 Southern States

Throughout the southern states and at the federal level, much attention is being focused on the appropriate strategy for controlling cotton insect pests, particularly the boll weevil. This paper presents estimated economic impacts to farmers, regions and consumers of implementing three alternative boll weevil control strategies. One strategy evaluated is a proposed boll weevil eradication program which involves integrating many controls including insecticides, reproduction-diapause control by early season stalk destruction, pheromone-baited traps, trap crops, early season control with insecticide, and massive releases of sterile boll weevils. The plan is to eradicate the boll weevil in the U.S., and then indefinitely maintain a barrier at the U.S.-Mexico border to prevent future weevil immigration to the U.S.

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Phytochemical Profiling of Methanolic Fruit Extract of Gardenia latifolia Ait. by LC-MS/MS Analysis and Evaluation of Its Antioxidant and Antimicrobial Activity

Plants ◽

10.3390/plants10030545 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 10 (3) ◽

pp. 545

Author(s):

Y. Mohan Reddy ◽

S. P. Jeevan Kumar ◽

K. V. Saritha ◽

P. Gopal ◽

T. Madhusudana Reddy ◽

...

Keyword(s):

Quinic Acid ◽

Differential Pulse ◽

Deciduous Tree ◽

Food Industries ◽

Analysis And Evaluation ◽

Southern States ◽

Ms Analysis ◽

Antioxidant And Antimicrobial Activity ◽

Microtiter Assay ◽

Caffeoyl Quinic Acid

Gardenia latifolia Ait. (Rubiaceae) is also known as Indian Boxwood is a small deciduous tree often growing in southern states of India. In the present study, phytochemical profiling of methanolic extract of G. latifolia fruits were carried out using FTIR and LC-MS/MS analysis. Besides, its antioxidant and antimicrobial potential have been analysed using DPPH activity, differential pulse voltammetry and resazurin microtiter assay, respectively. Phytochemical profiling revealed the presence of 22 major diversified compounds and main were 3-caffeoyl quinic acid (chlorogenic acid), 3,4-Di-O-caffeoyl quinic acid, 6-O-trans-feruloylgenipin gentiobioside, 10-(6-O-trans sinapoyl glucopyranosyl) gardendiol, isoquercitrin, scortechinones, secaubryenol, iridoids and quercetin 3-rutinoside (rutin). The extract showed antioxidant activity (IC50 = 65.82) and powerful antibacterial activity with lowest minimum inhibitory concentration against Gram-positive Staphylococcus aureus (15.62 µg/µL), Bacillus subtilis (31.25 µg/µL) than gram negative Escherichia coli (62.5 µg/µL), Klebsiella pneumoniae (62.5 µg/µL), Pseudomonas aeruginosa (31.25 µg/µL). This study shows that the fruits of G. latifolia have tremendous potential to be used in food industries, phyto-therapeutics and cosmetic industries.

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Suppressing Black Votes: A Historical Case Study of Voting Restrictions in Louisiana

American Political Science Review ◽

10.1017/s0003055421000034 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 115 (2) ◽

pp. 694-700

Author(s):

LUKE KEELE ◽

WILLIAM CUBBISON ◽

ISMAIL WHITE

Keyword(s):

Time Series Data ◽

Voter Registration ◽

Series Data ◽

Historical Case Study ◽

Historical Case ◽

Southern States ◽

Local Officials ◽

Data Source ◽

Eligibility Requirements ◽

State Restrictions

Southern states have used a variety of methods to disenfranchise African American voters. Empirical data on the effectiveness of these measures is rare. We present a unique data source from Louisiana that allows us to empirically document voter registration rates from the end of Reconstruction to the present. Using basic time series data, we document how voter registration rates changed over time in response to state restrictions. We then conduct a second analysis, which focuses on Louisiana’s use of the Understanding Clause to reduce voter registration among Blacks. We show that in parishes that used the Understanding Clause, Black registration rates dropped by nearly 30 percentage points, with little effect on white registration. The findings of this paper have important implications for understanding the potential for discrimination in the enforcement of modern, ostensibly nonracial, voter eligibility requirements, such as voter ID laws, which grant substantial discretion to local officials in determining voter eligibility.

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Integrating syphilis screening in a large-scale HIV prevention program for key populations: the Avahan experience from India

The Journal of Infection in Developing Countries ◽

10.3855/jidc.2810 ◽

2013 ◽

Vol 7 (06) ◽

pp. 484-488 ◽

Cited By ~ 4

Author(s):

Mugundu Ramien Parthasarathy ◽

Prakash Narayanan ◽

Anjana Das ◽

Anup Gurung ◽

Parimi Prabhakar ◽

...

Keyword(s):

Hiv Prevention ◽

Prevention Program ◽

Large Scale ◽

Point Of Care ◽

Key Populations ◽

Immunochromatographic Strip ◽

Transmitted Infection ◽

Sexually Transmitted ◽

Syphilis Screening ◽

Strip Test

Introduction: Documented experiences from India on the implementation of syphilis screening in large-scale HIV prevention programs for “key populations at higher risk’ (KPs) are limited. Avahan is a large-scale HIV prevention program providing services to more than 300,000 KPs in six high HIV prevalence states of India since 2004. Avahan clinics provide a sexually transmitted infection service package which includes bi-annual syphilis screening. The trends in the coverage of syphilis screening among Avahan clinic attendees were studied retrospectively. Methodology: Screening was performed using either the Rapid Plasma Reagin (RPR) test or point-of-care immunochromatographic strip test (ICST). Clinic records from 2005 to 2009 were collated in an individual tracking database and analyzed with STATA-10. Results: Initially the coverage of syphilis screening (2.6% in 2005) was constrained by the availability and operational complexity of the RPR test. After its introduction in 2007, the use of ICST for screening increased from 7.4% to 77.0% and the proportion of clinic attendees screened increased from 9.0% to 21.6% during 2007-2009. The RPR reactivity rates declined from 6.6% (2006) to 4.4% (2009). Conclusion: The data showed improved rates of screening of clinic attendees and declining trends in sero-reactivity over time. The introduction of point-of-care syphilis tests may have contributed to the improved coverage of syphilis screening. The ICST may be considered for initial syphilis screening at other resource-constrained primary care sites in India such as ante-natal clinics and other KP interventions.

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Occurrence of the Currant Cane Blight Fungus on Numerous Hosts in the Southern States

Mycologia ◽

10.2307/3753950 ◽

1926 ◽

Vol 18 (6) ◽

pp. 278 ◽

Cited By ~ 5

Author(s):

Neil E. Stevens

Keyword(s):

Southern States ◽

Cane Blight

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1582Don't ask, don't test? Rates of syphilis screening among urban HIV patients

Open Forum Infectious Diseases ◽

10.1093/ofid/ofu052.1128 ◽

2014 ◽

Vol 1 (suppl_1) ◽

pp. S422-S422

Author(s):

Sandy Ramirez ◽

Susan Szpunar ◽

Leonard Johnson

Keyword(s):

Hiv Patients ◽

Syphilis Screening

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Historical Mob Violence and the 2016 Presidential Election

The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science ◽

10.1177/00027162211017437 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 694 (1) ◽

pp. 172-188

Author(s):

Rebecca Abbott ◽

Amy Kate Bailey

Keyword(s):

Black People ◽

Mob Violence ◽

Presidential Candidates ◽

Southern States ◽

Left Behind ◽

Presidential Primary ◽

Electoral Support ◽

Level Data ◽

The Social ◽

White Voters

As a 2016 presidential candidate, Donald J. Trump invoked racially charged rhetoric to galvanize conservative white voters who felt left behind in the “new economy.” In this article, we ask whether Trump’s ability to attract electoral support in that way was linked to local histories of racist mob violence. We use county-level data on threatened and completed lynchings of Black people to predict support for Trump in the 2016 Republican presidential primary and general election across eleven southern states. We find that fewer voters cast their ballots for Trump in counties that had suppressed a comparatively larger share of potentially lethal episodes of racist mob violence. Supplementary analyses suggest that counties’ histories of violence are also related to their electoral support for Republican presidential candidates more broadly. We posit that this correlation points to the durable effects of racist violence on local cultures and the imprint of community histories on the social environment.

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