Semantic and syntactic processing in Chinese sentence comprehension: Evidence from event-related potentials

2006 ◽  
Vol 1071 (1) ◽  
pp. 186-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zheng Ye ◽  
Yue-jia Luo ◽  
Angela D. Friederici ◽  
Xiaolin Zhou
Keyword(s):  
Sentence Comprehension ◽  
Event Related Potentials ◽  
Syntactic Processing ◽  
Related Potentials

Rules and Heuristics during Sentence Comprehension: Evidence from a Dual-task Brain Potential Study

2009 ◽  
Vol 21 (7) ◽  
pp. 1365-1379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuel Martín-Loeches ◽  
Annekathrin Schacht ◽  
Pilar Casado ◽  
Annette Hohlfeld ◽  
Rasha Abdel Rahman ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Dual Task ◽  
Sentence Comprehension ◽  
Event Related Potentials ◽  
Task Design ◽  
Sentence Context ◽  
Syntactic Processing ◽  
Sentence Structure ◽  
Brain Potential ◽  
Related Potentials ◽  
Computational Procedures

Whether syntactic and semantic processes during sentence comprehension follow strict sets of rules or succumb to context-dependent heuristics was studied by recording event-related potentials in a dual-task design. In one condition, sentence-extraneous acoustic material was either semantically congruent or incongruent relative to an adjective in the visually presented sentence, the latter being either semantically correct or incorrect within the sentence context. Homologous syntactic (gender) manipulations were performed in another condition. Syntactic processing within the sentence appeared to be blind to the syntactic content of the second task. In contrast, semantically incongruous material of the second task induced fluctuations typically associated with the detection of within-sentence semantic anomalies (N400) even in semantically correct sentences. Subtle but extant differences in topography between this N400 and that obtained with within-sentence semantic violations add to recent proposals of separate semantic subsystems differing in their specificity for sentence structure and computational procedures. Semantically incongruous material of the second task also influenced later stages of the processing of semantically incorrect adjectives (P600 component), which are traditionally assumed to pertain to the syntactic domain. This result is discussed in the light of current proposals of a third combinatorial stream in sentence comprehension.

Event-related potentials suggest early interaction between syntax and semantics during on-line sentence comprehension

2005 ◽  
Vol 384 (3) ◽  
pp. 222-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Palolahti ◽  
Sakari Leino ◽  
Markus Jokela ◽  
Kreetta Kopra ◽  
Petri Paavilainen
Keyword(s):  
Sentence Comprehension ◽  
Event Related Potentials ◽  
Related Potentials ◽  
On Line ◽  
Early Interaction

scholarly journals The iconic representation of metaphor. An event-related potentials (ERPs) analysis of figurative language

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michela Balconi ◽  
Serafino Tutino
Keyword(s):  
Repeated Measures ◽  
Cognitive Complexity ◽  
Figurative Language ◽  
Sentence Comprehension ◽  
Event Related Potentials ◽  
Direct Access ◽  
Iconic Representation ◽  
Content Variable ◽  
Related Potentials ◽  
The Difference

The aim of the study is to explore the iconic representation of frozen metaphor. Starting from the dichotomy between the pragmatic models, for which metaphor is a semantic anomaly, and the direct access models, where metaphor is seen as similar to literal language, the cognitive and linguistic processes involved in metaphor comprehension are analyzed using behavioural data (RTs) and neuropsychological indexes (ERPs). 36 subjects listened to 160 sentences equally shared in the variables content (metaphorical vs literal) and congruousness (anomalous vs not semantically anomalous). The ERPs analysis showed two negative deflections (N3-N4 complex), that indicated different cognitive processes involved in sentence comprehension. Repeated measures ANOVA, applied to peak amplitude and latency variables, suggested in fact N4 as index of semantic anomaly (incongruous stimuli), more localized in posterior (Pz) area, while N3 was sensitive to the content variable: metaphor sentences had an ampler deflection than literal ones and posteriorly distributed (Oz). Adding this results with behavioral data (no differences for metaphor vs literal), it seems that the difference between metaphorical and literal decoding isn’t for the cognitive complexity of decoding (direct or indirect access), but for its representation format, which is more iconic for metaphor (as N3 suggests).

Sentence Processing in Traumatic Brain Injury: Evidence From the P600

2016 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 759-771 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah E. Key-DeLyria
Keyword(s):  
Traumatic Brain Injury ◽  
Brain Injury ◽  
Language Processing ◽  
Sentence Processing ◽  
Sentence Comprehension ◽  
Closed Head Injury ◽  
Event Related Potentials ◽  
Control Group ◽  
Severe Injuries ◽  
Related Potentials

PurposeSentence processing can be affected following a traumatic brain injury (TBI) due to linguistic or cognitive deficits. Language-related event-related potentials (ERPs), particularly the P600, have not been described in individuals with TBI history.MethodFour young adults with a history of closed head injury participated. Two had severe injuries, and 2 had mild–moderate injuries more than 24 months prior to testing. ERPs were recorded while participants read sentences designed to be grammatically correct or incorrect. Participants also completed cognitive and sentence comprehension measures.ResultsOne participant with TBI was significantly different than the control group on several behavioral sentence measures and 1 cognitive measure. However, none of the participants with TBI had a reliable P600 effect. Nonparametric bootstrapping indicated that the ERP was reliable in 10 control participants but no participants with TBI history.ConclusionsThere were few behavioral differences between individuals with TBI history and the control group, though all reported subjective difficulty with reading. The P600 was absent in the TBI group in this study. Given the heterogeneity of individuals with TBI and the difficulty in assessing subtle language impairments, exploring the P600 further may provide useful insight into language processing difficulties.

scholarly journals Repair, Revision, and Complexity in Syntactic Analysis: An Electrophysiological Differentiation

2003 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edith Kaan ◽  
Tamara Y. Swaab
Keyword(s):  
Sentence Processing ◽  
Event Related Potentials ◽  
Syntactic Processing ◽  
Syntactic Analysis ◽  
Ambiguous Sentence ◽  
Garden Path ◽  
Related Potentials ◽  
Different Characteristics ◽  
Human Sentence Processing ◽  
Electrophysiological Differentiation

One of the core aspects of human sentence processing is the ability to detect errors and to recover from erroneous analysis through revision of ambiguous sentences and repair of ungrammatical sentences. In the present study, we used event-related potentials (ERPs) to help identify the nature of these processes by directly comparing ERPs to complex ambiguous sentence structures with and without grammatical violations, and to simpler unambiguous sentence structures with and without grammatical violations. In ambiguous sentences, preference of syntactic analysis was manipulated such that in one condition, the structures agreed with the preferred analysis, and in another condition, a nonpreferred but syntactically correct analysis (garden path) was imposed. Nonpreferred ambiguous structures require revision, whereas ungrammatical structures require repair. We found that distinct ERPs reflected different characteristics of syntactic processing. Specifically, our results are consistent with the idea that a positivity with a posterior distribution across the scalp (posterior P600) is an index of syntactic processing difficulty, including repair and revision, and that a frontally distributed positivity (frontal P600) is related to ambiguity resolution and/ or to an increase in discourse level complexity.

A Topographical Study on the Event-related Potential Correlates of Scrambled Word Order in Japanese Complex Sentences

2007 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hiroko Hagiwara ◽  
Takahiro Soshi ◽  
Masami Ishihara ◽  
Kuniyasu Imanaka
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Sentence Comprehension ◽  
Event Related Potentials ◽  
Event Related Potential ◽  
Thematic Role ◽  
Complex Sentences ◽  
Structural Integration ◽  
Related Potentials ◽  
Compositional Interpretation ◽  
Anterior Negativity

One of the most fundamental and universal properties of human language is a phenomenon called displacement. In the present study, we used multichannel event-related potentials (ERPs) to identify the nature of this phenomenon with Japanese, a subject-object-verb (SOV) language of relatively free word order. The ERPs of sentences of canonical word order (CC) were compared with those of non-canonical word order in two types of Japanese complex sentences; namely, in those which can be described as being in a middle-scrambled condition (MSC) and in those in a long-scrambled condition (LSC). The sustained anterior negativity (SAN) and the P600 in the pregap position were observed in the LSC, compared to the CC, and they are consistent with previous findings. The SAN, exhibiting a tripartite nature in morphology and scalp distribution, mainly reflected a storage cost of scrambled elements in sentence comprehension. The subsequent P600 had a left fronto-temporal maximum, distinguished from a posterior P600, taken as a reflector of the thematic role assignment in previous related studies. It is argued that the P600 in the present study reflects a cost of structural integration intensively depending on the case marker information. A compositional interpretation of sentence meanings was also observed, reflected in an anterior negativity at the postgap verbal position, which cannot be differentiated at the pregap verbal position in the languages of subject-verb-object (SVO) word order.

scholarly journals Processing Aspectual Agreement in an Inflexionless Language: An ERP Study of Mandarin Chinese

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (9) ◽  
pp. 1236
Author(s):  
Yuxin Hao ◽  
Xun Duan ◽  
Lu Zhang
Keyword(s):  
Mandarin Chinese ◽  
Semantic Processing ◽  
Event Related Potentials ◽  
Syntactic Processing ◽  
Progressive Aspect ◽  
Lexical Aspect ◽  
Related Potentials ◽  
Aspect Marker ◽  
Aspect Markers

This is a study of the collocation of Chinese verbs with different lexical aspects and aspect markers. Using event-related potentials (ERPs), we explored the processing of aspect violation sentences. In the experiment, we combined verbs of various lexical aspect types with the progressive aspect marker zhe, and the combination of the achievement verbs and the progressive aspect marker zhe constituted the sentence’s aspect violation. The participants needed to judge whether a sentence was correct after it was presented. Finally, we observed and analyzed the components of ERPs. The results suggest that when the collocation of aspect markers and lexical aspect is ungrammatical, the N400-like and P600 are elicited on aspect markers, while the late AN is elicited by the word after the aspect marker. P600 and N400-like show that the collocation of Chinese verbs with various lexical aspects and aspect markers involve not only syntactic processing, but also the semantic processing; and the late AN may have been due to the syntax revision and the conclusion at the end of sentences.

scholarly journals Concurrent use of animacy and event-knowledge during comprehension: Evidence from event-related potentials

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariana Vega-Mendoza ◽  
Martin John Pickering ◽  
Mante S. Nieuwland
Keyword(s):  
Real World ◽  
Semantic Processing ◽  
Sentence Comprehension ◽  
Time Window ◽  
Event Related Potentials ◽  
Semantic Relatedness ◽  
Judgment Task ◽  
N400 Effect ◽  
Event Knowledge ◽  
Related Potentials

In two ERP experiments, we investigated whether readers prioritize animacy over real-world event-knowledge during sentence comprehension. We used the paradigm of Paczynski and Kuperberg (2012), who argued that animacy is prioritized based on the observations that the ‘related anomaly effect’ (reduced N400s for context-related anomalous words compared to unrelated words) does not occur for animacy violations, and that animacy violations but not relatedness violations elicit P600 effects. Participants read passive sentences with plausible agents (e.g., The prescription for the mental disorder was written by the psychiatrist) or implausible agents that varied in animacy and semantic relatedness (schizophrenic/guard/pill/fence). In Experiment 1 (with a plausibility judgment task), plausible sentences elicited smaller N400s relative to all types of implausible sentences. Moreover, animate words elicited smaller N400s than inanimate words, and related words elicited smaller N400s than unrelated words. Crucially, at the P600 time-window, we observed more positive ERPs for animate than inanimate words and for related than unrelated words at anterior regions. In Experiment 2 (with no judgment task), we observed an N400 effect with animacy violations, but no other effects. Taken together, the results of our experiments fail to support a prioritized role of animacy information over real-world event-knowledge, but they support an interactive, constraint-based view on incremental semantic processing.

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