Semantic and Syntactic Processing During Comprehension: ERP Evidence From Chinese QING Structure

Previous studies used BA and BEI structures as stimuli to infer that syntax-first models seemed not applicable in Chinese. However, there were inconsistent results of both within same structures and between different structures. Since sentence structures of stimuli were non-canonical as well as lacking wide representativeness in Chinese, we examined the processing mechanism of a more representative structure in Chinese, QING (QING + NP1 + V + NP2) structure in the current study. Four conditions, including correct sentences (CORRECT), semantic-violated sentences (SEMANTIC), syntactic-violated sentences (SYNTACTIC), and combined violated sentences (COMBINED), were composed by manipulating the V between NP1 and NP2. Results with respect to three types of violation were as follows. In the initial phrase (100–300 ms), there existed an interaction between SEMANTIC consistency and the SYNTACTIC category. In the intermediate phrase (300–500 ms), the interaction continued with similar negative waves evoked by three types of violated sentences. In the final phrase (500–700 ms), both SYNTACTIC or COMBINED evoked obvious negative waves. The current research of Qing structure provided new evidence for the processing mechanism of Chinese sentence patterns. Specifically, we found that the interactive model rather than the syntax-first model may apply to the processing of this specific structure of Chinese sentences and compared the results with those reported in previous studies that examined other types of sentence structures.

Die Präposition „auf” als Verkettungskomponente

The article presents the idea of examining the preposition auf ‘on’ from the generative perspective, in which the preposition is understood as an elementary unit of the mental lexicon (lexical array) without a syntactic category. The unit auf ‘on’ is treated as a phonological segment to which a corresponding syntactic category is assigned in the selected syntactic context. The syntactic processing system ensures the correct assignment through correct decoding from auf ‘on’ by concatenating various grammatical features with different functions and meanings. The article analyses the unit auf ‘on’ in terms of concatenation properties in the syntactic process of sentence generation in German.

'Constituent length' effects in fMRI do not provide evidence for abstract syntactic processing

How are syntactically and semantically connected word sequences, or constituents, represented in the human language system? An influential fMRI study, Pallier et al. (2011, PNAS), manipulated the length of constituents in sequences of words or pseudowords. They reported that some language regions (in the anterior temporal cortex and near the temporo-parietal junction) were sensitive to constituent length only for sequences of real words but not pseudowords. In contrast, language regions in the inferior frontal and posterior temporal cortex showed the same pattern of increased response to longer constituents - and similar overall response magnitudes - for word and pseudoword sequences. Based on these results, Pallier et al. argued that the latter regions represent abstract sentence structure. Here we identify methodological and theoretical concerns with the Pallier et al. study and conduct a replication across two fMRI experiments. Our results do not support Pallier et al.'s critical claim of distinct neural specialization for abstract syntactic representations. Instead, we find that all language regions show a similar profile of sensitivity to both constituent length and lexicality (stronger responses to real-word than pseudoword stimuli). In addition, we argue that the constituent length effect in these experiments i) is not readily grounded in established theories of sentence processing, and ii) may not actually derive from syntactic structure building, but may instead reflect the temporal receptive window of the human language system.

Going Native? Yes, If Allowed by Cross-Linguistic Similarity

Can native competence be achieved in a second language? Here, we focus on the Language Distance Hypothesis that claims that early and proficient bilinguals can achieve native competence for grammatical properties shared by their two languages, whereas unshared grammatical properties pose a challenge for native-like syntactic processing. We present a novel behavioral and Event-Related Potential (ERP) study where early and proficient bilinguals behave native-like in their second language when processing (a) argument structure alternations in intransitive sentences involving agent vs. patient subjects and (b) subject verb agreement, both of which are grammatical properties shared by their two languages of these bilinguals. Compared to native Basque bilinguals (L2Spanish) on the same tasks, non-natives elicited similar sentence processing measures: (a) in the acceptability task they reacted faster and more accurately to unaccusative sentences than to unergatives and to person than number violations: (b) they generated a larger P600 for agreement violations in unaccusative sentences than unergatives; (c) they generated larger negativity and positivity effects for person than for number violations. Previous studies on Basque-Spanish bilinguals find that early and proficient non-natives display effects distinct from natives in both languages when processing grammatical properties where Basque and Spanish diverge, such as argument alignment (ergative/nominative) or word order type (OV/VO), but they perform native-like for shared properties such as subject agreement and word meaning. We contend that language distance, that is, the degree of similarity of the languages of the bilingual is a crucial factor that deserves further and detailed attention to advance our understanding of when and how bilinguals can go native in a second language.

Access to verb bias and plausibility information during syntactic processing in adult Spanish–English bilinguals

In two experiments, we examine how proficient second language speakers integrate verb bias and plausibility information during online sentence comprehension. Spanish–English speakers and native English speakers read sentences in English in which a post-verbal noun phrase (NP) could be interpreted as a direct object or a sentential subject. To examine the role of verb bias, the post-verbal NP was preceded by a verb that is preferentially followed by a direct object (DO-bias verbs) or a sentential complement (SC-bias verbs). To assess the role of plausibility, the semantic fit between the verb and the post-verbal NP was either congruent or incongruent with the direct object interpretation. The results show that both second language speakers and native speakers used verb bias information to assign a grammatical role to the post-verbal ambiguous NP with small differences. Syntactic revision of an initially incorrect DO interpretation was facilitated by the presence of an implausible NP.

Processing Aspectual Agreement in an Inflexionless Language: An ERP Study of Mandarin Chinese

This is a study of the collocation of Chinese verbs with different lexical aspects and aspect markers. Using event-related potentials (ERPs), we explored the processing of aspect violation sentences. In the experiment, we combined verbs of various lexical aspect types with the progressive aspect marker zhe, and the combination of the achievement verbs and the progressive aspect marker zhe constituted the sentence’s aspect violation. The participants needed to judge whether a sentence was correct after it was presented. Finally, we observed and analyzed the components of ERPs. The results suggest that when the collocation of aspect markers and lexical aspect is ungrammatical, the N400-like and P600 are elicited on aspect markers, while the late AN is elicited by the word after the aspect marker. P600 and N400-like show that the collocation of Chinese verbs with various lexical aspects and aspect markers involve not only syntactic processing, but also the semantic processing; and the late AN may have been due to the syntax revision and the conclusion at the end of sentences.

The left posterior inferior frontal gyrus is functionally relevant for grammatical processing guided by intonation

Auditory language comprehension involves processing the content (semantics), grammar (syntax), and intonation (prosody) of a sentence. Sentence processing guided by prosody has been shown to involve the left inferior frontal gyrus (IFG). Prosodic cues are known to interact closely with both syntax and semantics, yet, whether these two processing domains can be attributed to separate subregions within the left IFG is highly debated. We probed the causal role of the posterior IFG (pIFG) for syntactic processing and the anterior IFG (aIFG) for semantic processing in a task that required the interpretation of the sentence’s prosodic realisation. Healthy participants performed a sentence completion task with syntactic and semantic decisions, while receiving 10 Hz repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation (rTMS) over either left aIFG, pIFG, or vertex (control). Although the behavioural analysis showed no significant interaction between rTMS site and decision, electrical field simulations revealed a task-specific facilitation effect: stronger pIFG stimulation led to faster syntactic processing without significantly modulating semantic decisions. In contrast, aIFG stimulation had an unspecific inhibitory effect. These results provide evidence for the functional relevance of left pIFG in grammatical processing guided by intonation. The unspecific inhibitory effect of aIFG rTMS highlights this subregion’s role in domain-general processes.