Explosive anger in postconflict Timor Leste: Interaction of socio-economic disadvantage and past human rights-related trauma

2011 ◽  
Vol 131 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 268-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Brooks ◽  
Derrick Silove ◽  
Zachary Steel ◽  
Catherine Bateman Steel ◽  
Susan Rees
Author(s):  
Aiden Warren ◽  
Damian Grenfell

The need to fundamentally rethink interventions is before us. Driven by a combination of pressing humanitarian need as well as conceptual and theoretical dilemmas that limit the value of analysis, it is evident we are seemingly at the crossroads. The crises in Syria and Iraq – the human rights abuses, the destruction of cities and the attenuating flows of refugees into Europe – have only been enough to garner specific military action from external powers in ways closely aligned to national interests. There is the sense that despite being decades on from the end of the Cold War and notwithstanding the varying kinds of interventions in the name of humanitarian ends that have taken place, we have come full circle. For all their challenges and faults, at the end of the twentieth century Kosovo and Timor-Leste suggested that there was enough benefit gained by interventions that they had a future in global politics. The post-9/11 military invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan have, however, come to dominate discourse as wars fought overwhelmingly for state security rather than humanitarian ends (even though the latter are used instrumentally as a justification at times). Moreover, as events in Syria have unfolded, it has become even harder to discern who would be assisted, and to what end, by a large-scale intervention like those that occurred across the 1990s. The widening of Syria’s civil war into a regional one, and the toll on civilians (approximately 260,000 at time of publication), reflects elements that are described in ‘new wars’ analysis, and yet are overlain with shifting forms of globalised warfare, intersections with terrorism, while reaffirming what appears to be more classical superpower rivalries (though now it is between different versions of empire and capitalism). It is such a riven mess that it is quite possible that the only ‘end game’ will come in the form of general annihilation....


Author(s):  
Heyward Madeleine

This chapter explores the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (PFII), which is the first permanent UN body in which state and non-state nominees hold equal status. The PFII is primarily a product of increasing recognition within the UN system of the need for more focused attention to protect and promote indigenous peoples’ rights—full accommodation of indigenous rights within existing human rights mechanisms and instruments ‘remains elusive’, and indigenous individuals and communities across the world continue to experience significant discrimination and social and economic disadvantage. Since the adoption in 2007 of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the first comprehensive and generally applicable international instrument on indigenous rights, the PFII has taken an increasingly rights-based approach across its mandate. The chapter then considers the PFII’s institutional landscape and its strengths and weaknesses as a protector and promoter of human rights, with a focus on implementation of the Declaration.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Ardli Johan Kusuma

This paper discusses about the reasons of Indonesia which provides a referendum to East Timor which resulted in East Timor being independent from Indonesia. This paper is analytical descriptive, using qualitative methods, with the data collection techniques, using "librarian research" where data to support arguments are obtained by collecting such data from various sources such as books or literature, journals, newspapers, Magazines, as well as data sourced from the internet. The results of the discussion in this paper indicate the fact that the process of independence of Timor Leste from Indonesia because of the influence of human rights norms that at that time developed and became the international world agenda. So that, with using the human rights norms, Timor Leste and the international community succeeded in intervening in Indonesia to provide a referendum to Timor Lesete as the embodiment of human rights enforcement in Indonesia. Tulisan ini membahas tentang alasan Indonesia yang memberikan referendum kepada Timor Leste yang mengakibatkan Timor Leste merdeka dari Indonesia. Tulisan ini bersifat diskriptif analitis, dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif, dengan teknik pengumpulan data, menggunakan teknik librarian researchdimana data-data untuk mendukung argumen diperoleh dengan cara mengumpulkan data tersebut dari berbagai sumber seperti buku-buku atau literatur, jurnal, surat kabar, majalah, maupun data-data yang bersumber dari internet. Adapun hasil dari pembahasan dalam tulisan ini menunjukkan adanya fakta bahwa proses kemerdekaan Timor Leste dari Indonesia karena adanya pengaruh dari norma HAM yang saat itu berkembang dan menjadi agenda dunia internasinal. Sehingga dengan menggunakan norma HAM tersebut, Timor Leste bersama masyarakat internasional berhasil mengintervensi Indonesia untuk memberikan referendum kepada Timor Lesete sebagai perwujudan penegakan HAM di Indonesia. 


2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-117
Author(s):  
Kjell-Åke Nordquist

The civil society in East Timor – today The Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste – developed knowledge and views about different constitutional structures during some critical years before the country’s independence in 2002. “Autonomy” proved to be an effective generic concept for this purpose in dialogues and seminars, organised inside and outside East Timor, on the issue of the territory’s future international status. While a certain political autonomy structure, alongside with independence, were the two options in the 1999 UN-led referendum on East Timor’s final status, the concept of “autonomy” was used as a point of reference for the analysis of principally different structural options for small territories – from typical independence, via forms of limited independence and associated state arrangements, to autonomy and levels of integration. Naturally, existing autonomy arrangments are studied when relevant in peace processes, but the concept of “autonomy”, with its need for local adaptation and recognition of difference, brings also compromise and therefore creativity into a process of political wrangling. In addition, an autonomy perspective in peace processes raises the issue of human rights protection on national level – can it protect on the level of an autonomy? The autonomy concept provides, finally, a framework for its own legitimacy, in relation to human rights and other measures in defense of human dignity. To identify a potential autonomy, thus, means assessing the characteristics of difference in such a framework, a process that local voices in East Timor needed to pursue.


Youth Justice ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 235-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Gray

Rapid increases in rates of youth custody until quite recently, and breaches of human rights inside institutions for young offenders in England and Wales, have been a repeated source of criticism among youth justice commentators. However, this article focuses on the issue of resettlement to argue that current attempts to improve resettlement provision for young people leaving custody are beset with failure because of the way the concept of resettlement has been interpreted by policy makers. Instead of acknowledging broader structural constraints arising from poverty and socio-economic disadvantage, young people’s social needs on release from custody have been individualized and equated with correcting perceived personal deficits. The end result is that the concept of resettlement has been criminalized, as young people’s needs on leaving custody have been framed in a discourse of individual pathology and responsibilization. The article concludes by considering how young people’s resettlement needs could be advanced through the development of a transformative rights based approach which, while framed around the 1989 United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, is informed by social justice ideals.


Author(s):  
Amy Rothschild

How have the estimated 102,800 Timorese who were killed or otherwise died as a result of the Indonesian occupation been remembered in Timor-Leste’s post-independence period? While Timor-Leste’s state has remembered the deceased through a lens of heroism and martyrdom, international human rights institutions in Timor-Leste, such as the CAVR, have remembered the deceased through a lens of victimhood. The chapter compares and contrasts the state’s framing of the dead as heroes and martyrs with the CAVR’s framing of the dead as victims and asks why the state’s framing has come to dominate in the present day. This chapter is based on data from over three years of work and research in Timor-Leste, spanning the years 2002-2013.


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