Investigating Modern Students’ Self-actualization

В статье рассматриваются теоретические аспекты самоактуализации, которая в зарубежной и отечественной психологии представлена как реализация потенциала, стремление к самоосуществлению,непрерывное развитие духовного потенциала личности, особое восприятие мира, высокий уровень психического и психологического здоровья (Гозман, 1995), адекватная саморегуляция и самоуправление. Анализируются результаты эмпирического исследования самоактуализации студентов педагогического направления подготовки. Описываются особенности самоактуализации двух групп студентов. Представители первой группы только начинали воспринимать свою жизнь во всей полноте, проявляли зависимость, конформность, несамостоятельность «извне» направляемой личности, имеющей внешний локус контроля, только учились быть относительно независимыми в своих поступках, стремились руководствоваться в жизни собственными целями, убеждениями, установками и принципами, в отличие от представителей другой группы, воспринимающих свою жизнь как целостный процесс, «изнутри» направляемых самоактуализирующихся личностей, не враждебных к окружающим и групповым нормам, организующих свое поведение на основе личностных ценностных ориентаций. Представлены выявленные связи между различными проявлениями самоактуализации у выделенных групп студентов. С помощью корреляционного анализа у всех студентов были обнаружены значимые сильные положительные связи между поддержкой, ценностной ориентацией, гибкостью поведения и самоуважением; между ценностной ориентацией, самоуважением и синергией; между гибкостью поведения и контактностью; между самоуважением и самопринятием. Эти связи указывали на то, что чем сильнее было естественное соотнесение их поведения с ценностями и самооценкой своих возможностей, тем более независимыми от воздействия извне были поведение и ценности; чем выше была самооценка студентами своих возможностей и сильнее целостное восприятие мира, тем более проявлялись у них принципы и оценки, присущие самоактуализирующейся личности; чем более глубокими и тесными были эмоционально насыщенные контакты с окружающими людьми в процессе субъект-субъектного общения, тем сильнее поведение соизмерялось с ценностями; чем больше они принимали самих себя, тем выше была самооценка своих возможностей. The article treats theoretical aspects of self-actualization, which is viewed by Russian and foreign scholars as the realization of one’s potential, desire to accomplish one’s goals, continuous development of one’s spiritual potential, one’s unique perception of the world, one’s emotional and psychological well-being (Gozman, 1995), efficient self-regulation and self-control. The article analyzes the results of an empirical research of novice teachers’ self-actualization. It describes the peculiarities of self-actualization of two groups of students. The representatives of the first group were highly conformable and dependent on others, were easily controlled by external powers, had the external locus of control, were learning to be independent in their actions, were learning to be guided by their own principles and beliefs. The representatives of the second group treated their life as a comprehensive process, were affable and friendly, abided by social norms, were guided by their own moral values and principles. The authors use correlation analysis to identify the correlation between students’ self-respect and their behavioural flexibility, their system of values and the support they get, as well as the correlation between their system of values, their behavioural flexibility and synergy, between behavioural flexibility and communicability, between self-respect and self-perception. These correlations show that people who respect themselves, who display respectful behaviour and have strong values are less prone to feel externally imposed depression, are guided by principles of self-actualization. The correlations also show that close emotional contact with other people involves other people’s moral values and self-respect.

Indonesia’s National Role Conceptions: Continuity Amidst Regional Change

<p>This thesis analyses Indonesia's foreign policy in view of role conceptions held by the country's policy and intellectual community and their impact on policy behaviour at the ASEAN level. These role conceptions capture the ways decision-makers perceive Indonesia’s standing and influence in the region and beyond and include the country’s ‘independent and active’ foreign policy doctrine as well as widely held views of the country being a model democracy, a mediator and – increasingly – key actor in regional and global affairs. The research draws attention to how these notions shape Jakarta’s role in ASEAN Community-building and security regionalism. It focuses on a range of initiatives that emphasise ASEAN’s ‘liberal agenda’, including the ASEAN Charter and ASEAN’s approach to conflict resolution and the promotion and protection of human rights. In so doing, it critically reflects on Indonesia’s domestic performance, which stands in at times stark contrast to its agenda on the international stage. I argue that Indonesia’s commitment to promoting liberal norms and values in regional affairs is predominantly instrumental as it aims at consolidating ASEAN cohesion vis-à-vis the influence of external powers in order to advance the country’s regional leadership ambitions and desire to play a more active role at the global level.</p>

Indonesia’s National Role Conceptions: Continuity Amidst Regional Change

<p>This thesis analyses Indonesia's foreign policy in view of role conceptions held by the country's policy and intellectual community and their impact on policy behaviour at the ASEAN level. These role conceptions capture the ways decision-makers perceive Indonesia’s standing and influence in the region and beyond and include the country’s ‘independent and active’ foreign policy doctrine as well as widely held views of the country being a model democracy, a mediator and – increasingly – key actor in regional and global affairs. The research draws attention to how these notions shape Jakarta’s role in ASEAN Community-building and security regionalism. It focuses on a range of initiatives that emphasise ASEAN’s ‘liberal agenda’, including the ASEAN Charter and ASEAN’s approach to conflict resolution and the promotion and protection of human rights. In so doing, it critically reflects on Indonesia’s domestic performance, which stands in at times stark contrast to its agenda on the international stage. I argue that Indonesia’s commitment to promoting liberal norms and values in regional affairs is predominantly instrumental as it aims at consolidating ASEAN cohesion vis-à-vis the influence of external powers in order to advance the country’s regional leadership ambitions and desire to play a more active role at the global level.</p>

Fragmented Societies and a Fragmenting International System: Implications for Peacemaking

The cases of peacemaking in Kosovo and Sudan/South Sudan yield insights into the interplay of international politics, relations among political elites, and reconciliation among identity groups. A durable, positive peace requires an approach by peacemakers that encompasses all these dimensions. Complicating matters, the readiness of states to adhere to rules and norms built up over decades has declined in recent years. Absent a concerted effort to (re)build them, the work of peace mediation will become more challenging and the odds of success incalculably longer. This, in turn, will corrode the ability of external powers, competing via proxy, to work together even on unrelated matters in different parts of the globe.

The Horn of Africa as Venue for Regional Competition: Motivations, Instruments and Relationship Patterns

The Horn of Africa has visibly started to play a more distinctive role in international relations in the past years. Comprising Ethiopia, Somalia, Eritrea and Djibouti, the region is home to competition between countries of the region and influence of external actors. The region is increasingly a part of Middle East regional politics and is home to competition among regional powers such as Turkey, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Iran. It is critical to articulate how each country formulates an agenda for the region. Therefore, the article seeks to explain how each regional power came to establish policies with each of the Horn of Africa country to set the stage for a strategy that depends on the region. While the study focuses on the motivations and instruments of involvement of these actors in the Horn of Africa politics, it also focuses on the relationship patterns between these external powers and Horn of African countries. The study aims to generate a policy-oriented analysis as well as a framework with regard to the role of external actors in the Horn of Africa politics.

Rwanda seeks political gains from peacekeeping

Significance The troops will engage in “combat and security” operations against local jihadists in support of Mozambique’s government, similar to a recent bilateral deployment to support government operations against rebels in the Central African Republic (CAR) since last December. Impacts Rwanda’s willingness to use its military to curb regional instability will make it a key interlocutor for external powers engaged in Africa. Although participation in peacekeeping brings financial recompense, it is questionable whether this offsets the costs of such missions. Rwandan forces have sometimes drawn praise for going beyond their mandates to protect civilians, which further encourages such behaviour.

SECTARIAN WAR IN THE MIDDLE EAST: IRAN, SAUDI ARABIA, PAKISTAN AND AN UNENDING WAR FOR REGIONAL HEGEMONY

Purpose: This paper aims to explore the current chaotic condition of the Middle East that was fueled by the traditional competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran. s state and society in every field of life. Principal Findings: The paper argues that the Saudi-Iran’s sectarian proxy warfare in the Middle East is a means to counter each other’s regional influence that has adverse implications for the internal security of Pakistan that can destroy its economy as well. Methodology: This research is based on a qualitative approach and deductive method. The paper answers four main queries: To what extent the Iran–Saudi Rivalry a result of sectarian aspirations? How are both countries using proxy warfare methods in the region to realize their interests vis a vis each other? What is the role of external powers like the United States or Russia in proxy warfare? How does the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia impact Pakistan? Applications: The study concludes that the outcome of the predicament in the Middle East has produced policy challenges for Pakistan vis-à- vis its relations with Saudi Arabia and Iran. The growing threats of sectarianism, violent extremism, domestic Polarization, and danger to the economic development of Pakistan make it an important player in this competition. Novelty: The traditional Conflict between Saudi and Iran affects the entire region of the Middle East. Sectarianism is one of the serious concerns of all Muslim countries today. It truly has both internal and external sources in other neighbouring Muslim states. Thus, this research provides an understanding to comprehend Pakistan’s internal and as well as external problems.

8. External Powers

This chapter explores the external competences and procedures of the European Union. Sadly, the Union here suffers from a ‘split personality’ because it has a split constitutional regime for foreign affairs. It has a general competence for its ‘Common Foreign and Security Policy’ (CFSP) within the TEU; and it enjoys various specific external powers within the TFEU. The chapter analyses each of these competences and their respective nature. It then looks at the procedural dimension of the external relations of the Union. How will the Union act, and which institutions need to cooperate for it to act? This depends on which of the two constitutional regimes applies. While the CFSP is still characterized by an ‘executive’ dominance, the procedures within the Union’s special external powers are closer to the ‘legislative’ branch. Finally, the chapter considers two constitutional safeguards regulating the exercise of shared external competences: mixed agreements and the duty of loyal cooperation.